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Dead Constitution
See other Dead Constitution Articles

Title: Explosives Rocked FBI Headquarters In 1987 - FBI Illegally Stored Foreign Military Devices
Source: Worldnetdaily
URL Source: http://www.worldnetdaily.com/news/article.asp?ARTICLE_ID=23093
Published: Jun 5, 2001
Author: Jon Dougherty
Post Date: 2005-10-10 00:31:57 by Uncle Bill
Keywords: Headquarters, Explosives, Illegally
Views: 145
Comments: 6

Explosives rocked FBI HQ in `87

Agency illegally stored foreign military devices

Wordlnetdaily
By Jon Dougherty
June 5, 2001

A series of blasts from illegally stored "foreign" and "military-type" explosives rocked the J. Edgar Hoover Building in Washington, D.C., in 1987, wiping out much of the FBI's third-floor crime lab, agency documents reveal.

The information was first reported June 1 by the McCurtain Daily Gazette newspaper and discovered by investigative reporters J. D. Cash and Roger Charles. The paper said it "has confirmed that in the spring of 1987, a series of explosives caused by the illegal storage of [foreign] military explosives rocked the FBI's sprawling complex" in the nation's capital.

The paper said it waged a four-year Freedom of Information Act battle with the FBI to learn about the details of the incident which, at the time, the agency reported as nothing more than a "small fire" in the middle of the night.

However, according to excerpts of a 197-page FBI report obtained by WND – as well as the McCurtain paper's published report – details of the May 5, 1987, incident provide a step-by-step account of what actually happened. (Click here to view cover of report.)

The FBI's report said a fire began in the lab around 4:00 a.m. "in the Explosives Unit." Investigators never found solid evidence of how the fire began, but officials, in the report, said a soldering iron may have been the cause.

In summarizing the incident, "investigators for the FBI and ATF [Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms] could not come to agreement on the catalyst that initiated the explosives," the paper said

However, "what is clear from the FBI's investigation" is that "FBI agents assigned to the lab failed to follow federal law and customary safety regulations regarding the proper storage of explosive devices … thereby risking the lives of hundreds of employees in the federal building," the paper said, quoting the report.

And, the paper noted, the final report "clearly" implicated a number "of FBI agents in a scandal involving the dangerous and illegal practice of storing high explosives in a public building" – a practice both FBI and ATF officials have denied in recent interviews.

"I have no knowledge of that. I have never heard of that before," Steve Berry, a spokesman for the FBI, told WND, in response to whether the FBI ever stored explosives in its headquarters or field offices.

And Jim Crandell, an inspector and former field agent for the ATF, also denied knowledge of the ATF ever storing explosives inside the agency's offices located in federal buildings.

It is the agency's policy "not to store explosives in any of our offices," Crandall said. "We maintain explosives bunkers for" storage of explosive materials, he added, noting that the ATF sometimes uses local storage facilities operated by local law enforcement agencies. He did say that the agency stored some of its own weapons at its offices.

Berry specifically denied that explosives rocked the Hoover Building more than 13 years ago, and instead echoed the agency's previous explanation that a "fire" had caused only minor damage.

"There was a fire in '87 in … sort of the bomb center," he said. "There's some evidentiary … materials down there in the Bomb Data Center, but no one was injured."

But, the McCurtain paper, quoting the FBI report, said investigators concluded that the incident "was the result of a fire and detonation of a large cache of foreign-made military explosives that were present inside that federal building."

Among the items listed in the FBI's report as having been stored in the lab were rocket-propelled grenades, 122mm rocket fuzes and 30mm anti-aircraft ammunition.

In reviewing the report, the paper noted that "missiles and shrapnel blasted through evidence cabinets and tore gaping holes in the walls of the world-famous crime lab."

Tainted evidence

Worse, the paper said, the conflagration "destroyed evidence in [ongoing] criminal investigations" as well as "threatened the lives of FBI personnel and firefighters" called to contain the damage. Early on, one small explosion even knocked some firefighters back against a wall.

"And you know, defense lawyers were probably never told about the destruction" of evidence "in their cases," one source, who asked not to be identified, told WND.

The paper said evidence "in a number of criminal investigations" involving the Justice Department "was involved [and] was cross-contaminated by the detonation of high explosives and the resulting fire. …"

"A visual inspection of the evidence storage room in the Explosives Unit in the FBI Laboratory," the report said, "revealed evidence of a fire and the observable physical characteristics which are associated with the explosion of military-type ordnance."

The report went on to describe "small craters" in the "floor area between the rows of evidence cabinets," characteristic of damage caused by "122mm rocket fuzes." Also, "large holes" were found in evidence cabinets indicative of "the explosion of 122mm rocket fuzes."

FBI investigators, the report said, also found a hole in a wall "characteristic of having been produced by the explosion of a rocket-propelled grenade without the initiation of the base detonating fuze element. …"

"In essence, when the rocket hit the wall, the explosive in the warhead exploded from the force impact and not from the base fuze," the report said. "The blast and fragment damage to the surrounding area and the wall were produced from this exploding rocket."

Range of explosives kept in building

Besides the explosives that detonated, other explosives, the report said, were also being stored in the building. Had they ignited, experts told the McCurtain newspaper, the damage to the Hoover Building would have been much worse.

According to the McCurtain newspaper, the FBI report said a number of FBI agents assigned to the lab were eventually interviewed by investigators from the bureau, as well as the ATF. Agents provided details about other explosive materials they knew to have been stored there before the fire.

Investigators discovered that many of the explosives had been stored only in cardboard boxes and had been left sitting on the floor of the lab "for months" before the incident, the paper – quoting the FBI's report – said.

A partial list of those items that did not explode, according to the documents obtained by WND, included:

10 kilograms (22 pounds) of C-4 plastic high explosive; 2.5 kilograms (about 5 pounds) of TNT; About 2 kilograms (4 pounds) of PETN; Black powder safety fuse; Several six-inch strips of detonation cord. What did explode included "10 to 15 rounds of 30mm anti-aircraft ammunition; two or three military-type grenade igniting fuzes; three rocket-propelled grenades; 45 detonating fuzes; and 45 Soviet MRV 122mm rocket fuzes," the report said, as quoted by the McCurtain Daily Gazette.

Ed Horn, director of storage operations for the U.S. Army's large conventional munitions and ammunition facility in Crane, Ind., told the McCurtain newspaper that all military-type explosives had to be stored in earthen and steel-reinforced concrete bunkers to ensure their safety, should they accidentally detonate.

But under no circumstances, he said, should those types of munitions be stored in any federal building, secured or otherwise.

"All of [this] is absolutely crazy," Horn told the newspaper. "No one should bring high explosives into a federal building, much less store it there."

But, the paper said, quoting the agency's report, the FBI's practice of long-term storage of such munitions, at least in its own headquarters building in Washington, was "long held," according to agents interviewed in the aftermath of the incident.

"Although the special agent's name is redacted" from the report, the paper said, "the former head of the Explosives Lab … admitted to investigators that this deadly practice had been going on for quite some time."

The paper also said the agency's report noted that the special agent in charge of the lab told investigators he "inherited" the explosives from his predecessor.

Finally, the report did not recommend any punishment for FBI agents and managers responsible for the storage policies and for bringing the explosives into the building in the first place, according to passages quoted by the paper.

In a follow-up interview, an FBI spokesman, who did not identify himself, initially told WND that a "fire and perhaps one explosion" was all that occurred.

However, when pressed about details in the report, the spokesman abruptly ended the interview and said the agency would "get back to" WorldNetDaily.


THE FBI AND THE MAD BOMBERS


Letter to Editor: Missile stored at federal building

THE INDIANAPOLIS NEWS
March 26, 1998 Thursday HOME EDITION A.B. MAGNUS

Not for commercial use. Solely to be fairly used for the educational purposes of research and open discussion.

Letter to Editor: Missile stored at federal building

A.B. MAGNUS
THE INDIANAPOLIS NEWS
March 26, 1998 Thursday HOME EDITION

An astounding fact just surfaced regarding the Oklahoma City bombing, yet I haven't seen it published in any newspaper. The development is so disturbing that Americans should be screaming out at their elected officials demanding to know why they have not held congressional investigations to prevent such a coverup of facts surrounding the worst ever act of terrorism on U.S. soil.

On Feb. 26, 1998, Oklahoma Deputy Bomb Squad Sgt. Bill Grimsley testified under oath in a deposition that a Tow Missile had indeed been stored in the Murrah Federal Building prior to the explosion.

A transfer report of the bomb squad, dated April 19, 1995, the day of the bombing that killed 169 innocent citizens of Oklahoma, bearing signatures of FBI agents verified the grim testimony of Sgt. Grimsley.

It is unconscionable that any federal agency could store heavy battlefield- type ordnance in any public building - let alone one where a children's day care facility was located.

Why did the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms and the FBI store this dangerous ordnance there? How could such gross negligence and unprofessional behavior be tolerated? Worse still, why have so many of our elected representatives in Washington and members of the news media been so reluctant to expose the many aspects of prior knowledge and coverup of evidence regarding the Oklahoma City bombing?

As a person responsible for storage of dynamite and ANFO (ammonium nitrate and fuel oil) in a mining operation back in the mid-1980s, we stored explosives underground several hundred yards away from any mine portal or residence to assure public safety. It is just inconceivable that any government agency could be so unprofessional as to store heavy battlefield ordnance in an unprotected public building.

On an even more chilling note, how many other federal buildings used by the public might be storing heavy explosives? Why haven't our congressional leaders investigated this practice? Have the media investigated this? Isn't anybody concerned about public safety?

A.B. MAGNUS Chairman Americans for Responsible Media Arlington Heights, Ill.

The Oklahoma City Bombing - Glenn and Kathy Wilburn - Links (1 image)

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#1. To: Uncle Bill (#0)

Amazing how stupid these people are to hang on to explosives like that.

So many morons, so few bullets.

TommyTheMadArtist  posted on  2005-10-10   0:36:22 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#2. To: TommyTheMadArtist (#1)

The FBI has a job to do. Blow up stuff. It's a tough job, but somebody has to do it.

"Then he added, still speaking to the agent: "You were informed. Everything is ready. The day and the time. Boom. Lock them up and that's that. That's why I feel so bad."

FEDERAL BOMB INSTIGATORS


Tapes in Bombing Plot Show Informer and F.B.I. at Odds
By RALPH BLUMENTHAL
The New York Times
Section A; Page 1; Column 4; Metropolitan Desk
October 27, 1993, Wednesday, Late Edition - Final


The informer at the center of the Government's case in the plot to bomb New York City landmarks had a volatile relationship with his handlers, often quarreling with F.B.I. agents who used him to infiltrate a group of Muslim extremists who have been charged in the plot, according to transcripts of secretly taped conversations.


"You were informed. Everything is ready. The day and the time. Boom. Lock them up and that's that. That's why I feel so bad."
Transcripts of the hundreds of hours of tapes -- which were recorded by the informer, Emad A. Salem, without the knowledge of the F.B.I. -- were distributed to defense lawyers yesterday. Although Judge Michael B. Mukasey ordered the lawyers to keep them secret, a copy of the transcripts was made available to The New York Times.

The tapes offer a rare glimpse into the sensitive relationship between the confidential informer and the law- enforcement officals with whom he worked. They also reveal for the first time how Federal and police agents instructed him to "pump up" a suspect for information and negotiate a $1 million fee from the Government for his services.

Scattered through the hundreds of pages of transcripts are many instances in which the Government agents appear to encourage Mr. Salem to lead the suspects to incriminate themselves. Defense lawyers have long contended that the Government crossed a legal line, instructing Mr. Salem in a fishing expedition that became entrapment. Although the bulk of the transcripts does not appear to show the agents steering Mr. Salem toward improper or illegal conduct, whether they did so finally will be resolved in court.

Many New Details

Among the details included in the transcripts are the following:

*A reference by Mr. Salem to 12 possible bombs and hitherto unmentioned targets, including Grand Central Terminal, the Empire State Building and Times Square.

*A New York City police detective working with the F.B.I. told Mr. Salem, who was getting $500 a week from the Government, that if he wanted a $1 million informer's fee, he should press for $1.5 million and then negotiate.

*An unusual suggestion that some of the money sought by Mr. Salem was going to be put up by private individuals.

*A reference from Mr. Salem, in a conversation with an F.B.I. agent, to an argument between F.B.I. officials over whether Mr. Salem should remain an unidentified informer or surface as a witness to testify at trial.

*A major defendant in the World Trade Center trial was tipped off by a neighbor to an elaborate F.B.I. ruse to search the Brooklyn apartment of another suspect, Mahmud Abouhalima, and replace explosives in his apartment with false explosives supplied by the F.B.I.

*Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman, a defendant in the second bombing case, was using a fax machine to command anti-Communist Muslim rebels, moving forces from Pakistan to Afghanistan and dealing with a code-named agent from Hamas, the militant Palestinian group, Mr. Salem told the F.B.I.

The transcripts cover Mr. Salem's dealings with the suspects and his work for the Government over a period of at least two years, going back to the trial in the killing of Rabbi Meir Kahane. Mr. Salem recorded the conversations with Government agents on his own, without the knowledge or consent of his contacts in the F.B.I., apparently to use as an insurance policy to hold the Government to its promises of money and protection.

Some of the most striking passages in the transcripts show Mr. Salem agonizing over what he suggests was the failure of the F.B.I., despite his information, to halt the Feb. 26 bombing of the trade center, in which six people were killed. Although Mr. Salem is not a witness in that case, he was working with the Government at that time.

"They told me that 'we want to set this,' " Mr. Salem said, referring to the bomb in a conversation on April 1 with John Anticev, one of the F.B.I. agents he reported to, and sometimes complained to others about. " 'What's the right place to put this?' "

Then he added, still speaking to the agent: "You were informed. Everything is ready. The day and the time. Boom. Lock them up and that's that. That's why I feel so bad."

Federal officials have acknowledged in the past that they dropped Mr. Salem as an informer sometime before the trade center bombing over what they said was his reluctance to wear a body recorder, as well as other disagreements. They said he never provided detailed information of the attack in advance but that they began using his services again after the bombing and credited him with foiling the related but separate plot to bomb the United Nations, Holland and Lincoln tunnels and the Federal building housing the F.B.I. in Manhattan.

The case is expected to come to trial next year, perhaps shortly after the end of the related trial of four men charged with bombing the World Trade Center. As the most important witness, Mr. Salem is expected to be called upon to verify tapes he made of conversations with suspects and testify on his dealings with them.

In several instances, the transcripts show Mr. Salem lecturing Federal agents on how to do their jobs, criticizing their surveillance and interview techniques. In one instance, he suggests that they tell a possible source that his phone was tapped, when in fact it was not, and that they confront the man and push him hard for information. "Don't give him a chance to think," Mr. Salem is quoted as saying. "If he will think it's, 'I want my lawyer.' Then bingo, you are gone."

Aid for Defense?

By creating the so-called bootleg tapes, Mr. Salem has given ammunition to defense lawyers who argue that he entrapped the 15 defendants charged with conspiring to bomb New York City landmarks.

In one instance that shows how Mr. Salem was prompted by Federal agents, Mr. Anticev is quoted as saying, "You know, pump, maybe kind of pump him up a little bit." The agent tells Mr. Salem to stress "the loyalty to his cousin." The target in that instance, Ibrahim A. Elgabrowny, is a cousin of the man who was charged with shooting Mr. Kahane and now a defendant in a plot to bomb New York City targets.

In another instance, Mr. Anticev is quoted as instructing Mr. Salem to press to learn whether Mr. Elgabrowny or his associates were hiding explosives. He is quoted as telling Mr. Salem not to worry about being exposed as the source of the information. "We'll just know where stuff exists and where it is," Mr. Anticev is quoted as saying. "And then we'll make our move."

"There's no danger, you know," he says later. "We can be sneaky and take our time."

Mr. Salem has dropped from sight since the June arrests, and an effort to get in touch with him through the witness protection program of the Federal Marshals Service was rejected. But a member of the defense team said he was spotted within the last month in Manhattan.

Mr. Salem, a 43-year-old former Egyptian Army officer and confidant of the radical Egyptian cleric, Mr. Abdel Rahman, surfaced as the Government's mole after a June 24 F.B.I. raid on a Queens garage that the Government said smashed an extremist Muslim plot to blow up the United Nations, Lincoln and Holland tunnels and the Manhattan Federal building housing the F.B.I., and to assassinate Senator Alfonse M. D'Amato and State Assemblyman Dov Hikind, among other targets.

The unauthorized tapes came to light immediately after the raid as Mr. Salem hurriedly evacuated his West Side Manhattan apartment and was quickly identified by associates of the sheik and by law-enforcement authorities as the "confidential informant" who had secretly gathered evidence, including many tape-recorded conversations, against those later charged as conspirators in the case.

Tapes Left Behind

In the belongings Mr. Salem left behind either carelessly or by design were cassettes of the tapes he had secretly recorded with the F.B.I.

Because these could shed light on the prosecution's evidence-gathering methods to the point of possible entrapment, defense lawyers convinced Judge Mukasey that they should gain access to this material as well as to Mr. Salem's authorized recordings, turned over earlier.

Even before he came in from the cold of his undercover role in June, the burly, bearded Mr. Salem was an enigmatic figure, a private investigator who supported himself as a jewelry designer, a security guard for the sheik who freely gave interviews to news reporters.

Officials in Cairo say he entered the Egyptian Army as a private and during an 18-year career fought in the 1973 war with Israel and was "pensioned out" as a senior officer while continuing a relationship with Egyptian military intelligence. His American wife, from whom he was divorced this year but to whom he is still close, told New York Newsday last week that he had recently sent a set of the bootleg tapes home to Egyptian authorities with a visiting relative.

In the United States for about six years, he lived most recently in a fifth-floor suite at the Bretton Hall residence hotel at 2350 Broadway.

A news reporter invited to interview him there shortly after the World Trade Center bombing found herself on camera as Mr. Salem insisted videotaping the encounter.

He showed her photographs of what he said was his sandbagged bunker in the 1973 war, the reviewing stand where former President Anwar el-Sadat was assassinated in 1981 and his grave site. He also showed pictures of people who had apparently been tortured: a woman with cigarette burns and a man confined in a cage.

He said that he prayed at the Abu Bakr mosque in Brooklyn and the al-Salaam mosque in Jersey City, where Sheik Omar often preached, and that he had known the cleric from Egypt. He said he was attracted by Mr. Rahman's aura of power and fearlessness.

Remembered as Benefactor

Associates in Jersey City said they remembered Mr. Salem as a generous benefactor of the mosques and of the sheik himself. He also collected money for the defense of El Sayyid A. Nosair, an Egyptian contractor charged in the 1990 assassination of the militant Jewish leader, Rabbi Meir Kahane. Mr. Nosair was acquitted of that killing but convicted of related assault and weapons charges. He is also one of the 15 defendants in the bombing conspiracy case.

Mr. Salem also had dealings with Mr.. Elgabrowny, a relative of Mr. Nosair for whom Mr. Salem said he helped obtain a pistol permit from the New York City Police Department.

Associates and lawyers of some of the defendants said that Mr. Salem appeared rather abruptly on the scene around the time of the Kahane killing and that they now suspect he was sent to infiltrate the circle around Mr. Nosair.


Not for commercial use. Solely to be used for the educational purposes of research and open discussion.

Tapes Depict Proposal to Thwart Bomb Used in Trade Center Blast
By RALPH BLUMENTHAL
The New York Times
Section A; Page 1; Column 4; Metropolitan Desk
October 28, 1993, Thursday, Late Edition - Final
Correction Appended


L aw-enforcement officials were told that terrorists were building a bomb that was eventually used to blow up the World Trade Center, and they planned to thwart the plotters by secretly substituting harmless powder for the explosives, an informer said after the blast.


"Do you deny," Mr. Salem says he told the other agent, "your supervisor is the main reason of bombing the World Trade Center?" Mr. Salem said Mr. Anticev did not deny it. "We was handling the case perfectly well until the supervisor came and messed it up, upside down."
The informer was to have helped the plotters build the bomb and supply the fake powder, but the plan was called off by an F.B.I. supervisor who had other ideas about how the informer, Emad A. Salem, should be used, the informer said.

The account, which is given in the transcript of hundreds of hours of tape recordings Mr. Salem secretly made of his talks with law-enforcement agents, portrays the authorities as in a far better position than previously known to foil the Feb. 26 bombing of New York City's tallest towers. The explosion left six people dead, more than 1,000 injured and damages in excess of half a billion dollars. Four men are now on trial in Manhattan Federal Court in that attack.

Mr. Salem, a 43-year-old former Egyptian army officer, was used by the Government to penetrate a circle of Muslim extremists now charged in two bombing cases: the World Trade Center attack and a foiled plot to destroy the United Nations, the Hudson River tunnels and other New York City landmarks. He is the crucial witness in the second bombing case, but his work for the Government was erratic, and for months before the trade center blast, he was feuding with the F.B.I.

Supervisor 'Messed It Up'

After the bombing, he resumed his undercover work. In an undated transcript of a conversation from that period, Mr. Salem recounts a talk he had had earlier with an agent about an unnamed F.B.I. supervisor who, he said, "came and messed it up."

"He requested to meet me in the hotel," Mr. Salem says of the supervisor. "He requested to make me to testify and if he didn't push for that, we'll be going building the bomb with a phony powder and grabbing the people who was involved in it. But since you, we didn't do that."

The transcript quotes Mr. Salem as saying that he wanted to complain to F.B.I. headquarters in Washington about the bureau's failure to stop the bombing, but was dissuaded by an agent identified as John Anticev.

"He said, I don't think that the New York people would like the things out of the New York office to go to Washington, D.C.," Mr. Salem said Mr. Anticev had told him.

Another agent, identified as Nancy Floyd, does not dispute Mr. Salem's account, but rather, appears to agree with it, saying of the New York people: "Well, of course not, because they don't want to get their butts chewed."

Mary Jo White, who, as the United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York is prosecuting defendants in two related bombing cases, declined yesterday to comment on the Salem allegations or any other aspect of the cases. An investigator close to the case who refused to be identified further said, "We wish he would have saved the world," but called Mr. Salem's claims "figments of his imagination."

The transcripts, which are stamped "draft" and compiled from 70 tapes recorded secretly during the last two years by Mr. Salem, were turned over to defense lawyers in the second bombing case by the Government on Tuesday under a judge's order barring lawyers from disseminating them. A large portion of the material was made available to The New York Times.

In a letter to Federal Judge Michael B. Mukasey, Andrew C. McCarthy, an assistant United States attorney, said that he had learned of the tapes while debriefing Mr. Salem and that the informer had then voluntarily turned them over. Other Salem tapes and transcripts were being withheld pending Government review, of "security and other issues," Mr. McCarthy said.

William M. Kunstler, a defense lawyer in the case, accused the Government this week of improper delay in handing over all the material. The transcripts he had seen, he said, "were filled with all sorts of Government misconduct." But citing the judge's order, he said he could not provide any details.

The transcripts do not make clear the extent to which Federal authorities knew that there was a plan to bomb the World Trade Center, merely that they knew that a bombing of some sort was being discussed. But Mr. Salem's evident anguish at not being able to thwart the trade center blast is a recurrent theme in the transcripts. In one of the first numbered tapes, Mr. Salem is quoted as telling agent Floyd: "Since the bomb went off I feel terrible. I feel bad. I feel here is people who don't listen."

Ms. Floyd seems to commiserate, saying, "hey, I mean it wasn't like you didn't try and I didn't try."

In an apparent reference to Mr. Salem's complaints about the supervisor, Agent Floyd adds, "You can't force people to do the right thing."

The investigator involved in the case who would not be quoted by name said that Mr. Salem may have been led to believe by the agents that they were blameless for any mistakes. It was a classic agent's tactic, he said, to "blame the boss for all that's bad and take credit for all the good things."

In another point in the transcripts, Mr. Salem recounts a conversation he said he had with Mr. Anticev, saying, "I said, 'Guys, now you saw this bomb went off and you both know that we could avoid that.' " At another point, Mr. Salem says, "You get paid, guys, to prevent problems like this from happening."

Mr. Salem talks of the plan to substitute harmless powder for explosives during another conversation with agent Floyd. In that conversation, he recalls a previous discussion with Mr. Anticev.

"Do you deny," Mr. Salem says he told the other agent, "your supervisor is the main reason of bombing the World Trade Center?" Mr. Salem said Mr. Anticev did not deny it. "We was handling the case perfectly well until the supervisor came and messed it up, upside down."

The transcripts reflect an effort to keep Mr. Salem as an intelligence asset who would not have to go public or testify.

A police detective working with the F.B.I., Louis Napoli, assures Mr. Salem in one conversation, "We can give you total immunity towards prosecution, towards, ah, ah, testifying." But he adds: "I still have to tell you that if you're the only game in town in regards to the information," then, he says, "you'll have to testify."

Studied for Signs of Illegality

The transcripts are being closely studied by lawyers looking for signs that Mr. Salem and the law enforcement officials, in their zeal to gather evidence, may have crossed the legal line into entrapment, a charge that defense counsel have already raised.

But the transcripts show that the officials were concerned that by associating with bombing defendants awaiting trial in the Metropolitan Correctional Center, Mr. Salem might have been accused of spying on the defense.

In an undated conversation, Mr. Anticev tries to explain the perils.

"We're not allowed to have any information regarding that," he tells Mr. Salem. "That could jeopardize, you know, if you go see a lawyer, ah, you know, with the defendant's friend or whatever like that, and you're talking about things we're not suppose to, ah, condone that. We're not supposed to make people do that for us. That's like sacred ground. You can't be privileged, ah, you can't know what's being talked about at all."

Mr. Salem seems to bridle. "I, I, I don't think that's right," he says.

The agent insists: "Yeah, but that's just a guideline. If that ever happened, ah, you can back and reported on the meeting between, ah, you know, Kunstler and Mohammad A. Elgabrown. Forget about it. I mean a lot of people ah the case can get thrown out. You understand?" The references were to the defense lawyer, Mr. Kunstler, and his client in the second bomb case, Ibrahim A. Elgabrowny.

Mr. Salem seems to reluctantly agree.

"They want you to have a hand in it," Mr. Anticev goes on, "but they're afraid that when you get that kind of, ah, too deep, like me, it's almost like, especially with all this legal stuff going on right now."

If it were just intelligence gathering, the agent says, "You can do anything you want. You could go crazy over there and have a good time. Do you know what I mean? "

The agent goes on: "But now that everything is going to court and there is legal stuff and it's just, it's just too hard. It's just too tricky, if, this, you know. And then there's the fact if you come by with the big information, he did this, ah, let me talk about this with the other people again."

"O.K.," Mr. Salem says. "All right. O.K."

CORRECTION-DATE: October 29, 1993, Friday

CORRECTION:

An article yesterday about accounts of a plot to build a bomb that was eventually exploded at the World Trade Center referred imprecisely in some copies to what Federal officials knew about the plan before the blast. Transcripts of tapes made secretly by an informant, Emad A. Salem, quote him as saying he warned the Government that a bomb was being built. But the transcripts do not make clear the extent to which the Federal authorities knew that the target was the World Trade Center.


GOVERNMENT TERRORISM - From Ruby Ridge To Waco And Beyond

Uncle Bill  posted on  2005-10-10   0:48:30 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#3. To: Uncle Bill (#2)

Here's the thing I haven't figured out.

Where is it that we get these people, who are so far removed from reality, that they'd willingly commit horrific acts of terror against their own people, who they've sworn to protect from enemies foreign and domestic?

That's the thing I have yet to figure out. If we have people within our own government who are willing to kill Americans for the sake of an agenda, one of which goes against the very oath they took as law enforcement personnel, then why do we as citizens tolerate a government who would willingly kill us?

That's the thing I cannot understand. How is it that we the people of the United States, have come to having a government that would willingly murder innocent people, in order to steal freedoms, and enact laws that go contrary to our Constitution, and our Bill Of Rights?

Where are these people made? Where do these people come from? Are they bought and sold like merchandise, or are they created, nurtured, or schooled in how to be a murderer?

To whom is their allegiance, and why? These questions should be asked, especially if what I'm asking is true.

So many morons, so few bullets.

TommyTheMadArtist  posted on  2005-10-10   0:55:57 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#4. To: christine (#3)

BTTT

Press 1 for English, Press 2 for English, Press 3 for deportation

Uncle Bill  posted on  2006-09-24   1:48:20 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#5. To: Hey New York You're Safe The FBI is on the Case (#4)

BTTT

Press 1 for English, Press 2 for English, Press 3 for deportation

Uncle Bill  posted on  2017-12-17   1:59:32 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#6. To: All (#5)

bttt

Press 1 for English, Press 2 for English, Press 3 for deportation

Uncle Bill  posted on  2019-12-15   5:05:38 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


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