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Ron Paul
See other Ron Paul Articles

Title: The Plot to Destroy Nixon
Source: [None]
URL Source: http://www.theamericanconservative. ... nan/the-plot-to-destroy-nixon/
Published: Aug 4, 2015
Author: PATRICK J. BUCHANAN
Post Date: 2015-08-04 07:07:32 by Ada
Keywords: None
Views: 104
Comments: 5

In his new biography Being Nixon: A Man Divided, Evan Thomas concedes a point. Richard Nixon, he writes, “was not paranoid; the press and the ‘Georgetown set’ really were out to get him.”

Carl Bernstein’s review found Thomas’s book deficient in its failure to chronicle the “endemic criminality” of the Nixon presidency. Yet, recent revelations suggest that “endemic criminality” is a phrase that might well be applied to the newsroom of the Washington Post when Bob Woodward and Bernstein worked there.

Consider. In All the President’s Men, Woodward and Bernstein admit that, in collusion with Post editors and with the approval of Post lawyers, they approached half a dozen Watergate grand jurors. Admitting this was a “seedy venture,” they assured us no grand juror had violated his or her oath, and they got nothing.

Yet, from recent books by Jeff Himmelman about Ben Bradlee, Max Holland about Mark Felt, a.k.a. “Deep Throat,” and Geoff Shepard’s The Real Watergate Scandal: Collusion, Conspiracy, and the Plot That Brought Nixon Down, out today, the truth is otherwise.

Woodward and Bernstein deceived us about not breaching the grand jury. They had. The source identified in their book as “Z,” a “woman … in a position to have considerable knowledge of the secret activities of the White House and CRP [Committee to Re-Elect the President]” was a grand juror.

Notes of Bernstein’s conversation with this woman were found by Himmelman in Bradlee’s files. Post editor Barry Sussman also told Alan Pakula, who made the movie starring Robert Redford and Dustin Hoffman, that Carl had breached the grand jury.

What does this tell us?

Woodward and Bernstein lied for four decades in denying their success in breaching the grand jury. And Bradlee knew they had been lying. When Post lawyer E. B. Williams had his ex parte contact with old friend Judge John Sirica, to put the fix in and get the judge not to expose or punish Woodward and Bernstein, Williams almost surely knew the reporters were lying.

In his memoir, Judge Sirica reveals what he would have done had Bernstein and Woodward gotten a grand juror to violate his oath: “Had they actually obtained information from that grand juror, they would have gone to jail.”

Thus, Woodward and Bernstein, with the collusion of Post editors and lawyers, got a grand juror to violate her oath and spill secrets. Then Bradlee got E.B. Williams, godfather to Sirica’s daughter, to put the fix in with that compliant judge, and all of them covered up the conspiracy. While pursuing Nixon, the “Georgetown set” was hiding the same sort of mendacities and obstruction of justice that got Nixon’s men prison time.

Nor does it stop there. As we discovered, a decade ago, “Deep Throat,” whose moniker came from a dirty movie, was FBI Deputy Director Mark Felt. In giving Woodward information from witness testimony to the grand jury, Felt was violating his oath and engaged in criminal misconduct, which, exposed, would have gotten him fired in disgrace and put in prison, and Woodward implicated as the beneficiary of his crimes.

Woodward and Bernstein benefited mightily from the fruits of Felt’s criminality, getting a Pulitzer for the Post, and having their careers made by collusion with this corrupt civil servant and serial lawbreaker. The subtitle of the new paperback of All the President’s Men is “The Greatest Reporting Story of All Time.”

Excuse me, but how much reporting does it take to scribble down notes from Mark Felt telling you who said what to the grand jury that day? This is stenography, not reporting.

What was Felt’s motivation in leaking grand jury secrets to Woodward? Max Holland’s book Leak tells the story. Felt sought to cast acting FBI Director Pat Gray, an honorable man, as an incompetent who could not keep secrets. This would result in Gray being passed over for permanent director. With the FBI top job open, President Nixon would likely turn to — Deputy Director Mark Felt.

Lovely fellow, that Felt.

Of all the Watergate offenses of the Nixon White House, the “Huston Plan” is often called the most terrifying. And what was the plan worked up by my old friend Tom Charles Huston in 1970?

After Black Panthers began murdering cops and a Greenwich Village bomb factory— where an anti-personnel bomb was being prepared to massacre noncommissioned officers and their dates at a dance at Fort Dix—blew up, Huston, with CIA, National Security Agency and Defense Intelligence Agency backing, urged the reinstatement of FBI practices used from FDR to LBJ. These included warrantless wiretaps and surreptitious entries, “black-bag jobs,” to stem the epidemic of terror bombings.

Nixon OK’d the plan, but rescinded his approval five days later after J. Edgar Hoover’s objection.

And who had been in charge of FBI black-bag jobs in the LBJ era? Mark Felt. Maybe when Woodward met Deep Throat in that garage, Felt was just casing the place.

Patrick J. Buchanan is the author of The Greatest Comeback: How Richard Nixon Rose From Defeat to Create the New Majority. Copyright 2015 Creators.com.

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#1. To: Ada (#0)

Jews just getting even with Nixon for his hounding of Jew commie rats during McCarthy episode.

Tatarewicz  posted on  2015-08-04   8:32:24 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#2. To: Ada (#0) (Edited)

Of all the Watergate offenses of the Nixon White House, the “Huston Plan” is often called the most terrifying. And what was the plan worked up by my old friend Tom Charles Huston in 1970?

After Black Panthers began murdering cops and a Greenwich Village bomb factory—where an anti-personnel bomb was being prepared to massacre noncommissioned officers and their dates at a dance at Fort Dix—blew up, Huston, with CIA, National Security Agency and Defense Intelligence Agency backing, urged the reinstatement of FBI practices used from FDR to LBJ. These included warrantless wiretaps and surreptitious entries, “black-bag jobs,” to stem the epidemic of terror bombings.

Nixon OK’d the plan, but rescinded his approval five days later after J. Edgar Hoover’s objection.


2 Refs. with more on The Huston Plan:


The Huston Plan - globalsecurity.org

The White House-ordered invasion of Cambodia, ... unleashed a wave of domestic protests, culminating in the shootings at Kent State in May of 1970. Stung by the reaction, the president [Richard Nixon] called the heads of the intelligence agencies, and on June 5 he told [them] that he wanted to know what steps they and their agencies could take to get a better handle on domestic radicalism.

Huston wasn't even the key player. Hoover was named chair of the committee, in order to place him in a position in which the FBI would finally be forced to confront domestic radicalism. ... [Hoover] attached footnotes to each of the techniques which he did not want the FBI involved in. When it went to the president, it was carefully qualified by the FBI,

The president sent word back to Huston, through Haldeman, of his approval, but did not initiate any paperwork. So when the committee was tasked to implement the recommendations, it was tasked by Tom Charles Huston, not the president. Hoover informed John Mitchell, the attorney general, that he would not participate without a written order from Mitchell. Mitchell discussed this with Nixon, and both agreed that it would be too dangerous. ... Under pressure from FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover and Attorney General John Mitchell, Nixon withdrew the Huston Plan. Dropped four days before it was due [to be implemented], plans had gone to the directors of the FBI, CIA, DIA and the NSA, but only Hoover objected for fear of discovery.


July 26-27, 1970: Nixon Rejects Huston Plan - historycommons.org

After President Nixon approves of the so-called “Huston Plan” to implement a sweeping new domestic intelligence and internal security apparatus (see July 14, 1970), FBI director J. Edgar Hoover brings the plan’s author, White House aide Tom Charles Huston (see June 5, 1970), into his office and vents his disapproval. The “old ways” [i.e. from FDR to LBJ] of unfettered wiretaps, political infiltration, and calculated break-ins and burglaries are “too dangerous,” he tells Huston. When, not if, the operations are revealed to the public, they will open up scrutiny of US law enforcement and intelligence agencies, and possibly reveal other, past illegal domestic surveillance operations that would embarrass the government. Hoover says he will not share FBI intelligence with other agencies, and will not authorize any illegal activities without President Nixon’s personal, written approval. The next day, Nixon orders all copies of the decision memo collected, and withdraws his support for the plan. [REEVES, 2001, PP. 236-237]


Additional Refs. In-Context:


[May 1-4, 1970] Kent State Anti-War and Anti-Military Riots [with an Anti-Militia/National Guard False Flag Op staging to some extent, imo, that began on Friday, May 1/May Day/International Workers' Day: The date was chosen by a pan-national organization of socialist and communist political parties to commemorate the Haymarket affair, which occurred in Chicago on 4 May 1886.]


The Kent State University Shooting of 1970 - h2g2.com

By 1970, United States President Richard Nixon was putting into action his plan of 'Vietnamisation' with regards to the Vietnam War. US troops were being sent home, and the nation was generally satisfied with the manner in which Nixon was handling the war, though he was widely unpopular among young people.

Suddenly, however, it was reported that Nixon had ordered an attack on North Vietnamese centres in Cambodia, a neighbour of Vietnam. Nixon insisted it was necessary to prevent loss of life and to delay US enemies, but critics thought it was expanding the conflict and not following up on Nixon's promise to end the US role in the war.

Throughout the country there were many peaceful mass protests over the Cambodia attacks. Many of these protests were at university and college campuses.

One of these protests was planned at 11am on Monday 4 May, 1970 in the relatively obscure Kent State University of Kent, Ohio. In this town there was a strained relationship between the liberal students on campus and more conservative residents. Just before the protest, there were incidents of looting and vandalism which involved the university students in the town, and a curfew was imposed. Ohio governor James Rhodes sent in the national guard to Kent to stop violence. None of this was really connected to the planned Cambodia protest, but rather a general energy that resulted from the college year coming to an end.

Soon, students set fire to the Reserve Officers Training Corps (ROTC) building on the Kent State campus. The police and firemen at the scene were hit by rocks thrown by students. Shortly after this, the national guard began to guard the campus as well as the city. The governor of Ohio also travelled to Kent to ensure that the national guard would keep order. All prepared for the possibly volatile rally as the students first noticed the guardsmen patrolling the university.

The crowd for the protest grew in the commons area; some were there to participate but some were present simply to watch. The crowd became big enough to intimidate the guards, who wore gas masks and were unprepared for the situation. The gas masks obscured sight and made it difficult for the guardsmen to communicate. They went up a hill, backing into a Japanese pagoda [?]. There, they shot teargas canisters at the students, who in turn threw them back. The crowd began to disperse, thinking that the conflict had ended, as the guardsmen backed away.

Then, something happened. What is [claimed to be] known is that the [Ohio NG] guardsmen [reportedly] fired 67 bullets from M-1 rifles into the crowd for 13 seconds. What is not known is why they [allegedly] did this. The protest had not yet become serious enough to warrant shooting, especially as they fired just before they were about to be at a safe distance from the abuse of the crowd. Some think that a policeman accidentally signalled some to shoot by swinging his right arm to the crowd. Four students were [reported] killed, only two of whom were participating in the rally. Nine were [reported] injured. Chaos ensued after this, and the guards stood down.

There was also an undercover FBI agent named Terry Norman in the crowd. It is not clear whether he fired his gun during the shooting. Many think this agent, or a sniper or policeman, fired first, starting a chain reaction from the guardsmen.

The investigation was far from thorough. No guns were analysed for ballistic evidence. No-one ever admitted to firing first, though some admitted that they fired into the crowd because others were firing.


[More detailed Version] Kent State shootings [May 4, 1970] || Timeline - Wikipedia

Thursday, April 30: President Nixon announced that the "Cambodian Incursion" had been launched by United States combat forces.

Friday, May 1: At Kent State University, a demonstration with about 500 students[13] was held on May 1 on the Commons (a grassy knoll in the center of campus traditionally used as a gathering place for rallies or protests). As the crowd dispersed to attend classes by 1 p.m., another rally was planned for May 4 to continue the protest of the expansion of the Vietnam War into Cambodia. There was widespread anger, and many protesters issued a call to "bring the war home". A group of history students buried a copy of the United States Constitution to symbolize that Nixon had killed it.[13] A sign was put on a tree asking "Why is the ROTC building still standing?"[14]

Trouble exploded in town around midnight, when people left a bar and began throwing beer bottles at police cars and breaking downtown storefronts. In the process they broke a bank window, setting off an alarm. ... Before long, more people had joined the vandalism.

By the time police arrived, a crowd of 120 had already gathered. Some people from the crowd lit a small bonfire in the street. ... The entire Kent police force was called to duty as well as officers from the county and surrounding communities. Kent Mayor LeRoy Satrom declared a state of emergency, called the office of Ohio Governor Jim Rhodes to seek assistance ... Police eventually succeeded in using tear gas to disperse the crowd from downtown, forcing them to move several blocks back to the campus. [9]

Saturday, May 2: City officials and downtown businesses received threats, and rumors proliferated that radical revolutionaries were in Kent to destroy the city and university. Several merchants reported that they were told that if they did not display anti-war slogans their business would be burned down. Kent's police chief told the mayor that according to a reliable informant the ROTC building, the local army recruiting station and post office had been targeted for destruction that night.[15]

The decision to call in the National Guard was made at 5:00 p.m., but the guard did not arrive in town that evening until around 10 p.m. By this time, a large demonstration was under way on the campus, and the campus Reserve Officers' Training Corps (ROTC) building was burning.[17] The arsonists were never apprehended, and no one was injured in the fire. According to the report of the President's Commission on Campus Unrest:

Information developed by an FBI investigation of the ROTC building fire indicates that, of those who participated actively, a significant portion weren't Kent State students. There is also evidence to suggest that the burning was planned beforehand

There were reports that some Kent firemen and police officers were struck by rocks and other objects while attempting to extinguish the blaze. Several fire engine companies had to be called because protesters carried the fire hose into the Commons and slashed it.[19][20][21] The National Guard made numerous arrests, mostly for curfew violations, and used tear gas;

Sunday, May 3: Around 8 p.m., another rally was held on the campus Commons. By 8:45 p.m. the Guardsmen used tear gas to disperse the crowd, and the students reassembled at the intersection of Lincoln and Main, holding a sit-in with the hopes of gaining a meeting with Mayor Satrom and University President Robert White. At 11:00 p.m., the Guard announced that a curfew had gone into effect and began forcing the students back to their dorms.

Companies A and C, 1/145th Infantry and Troop G of the 2/107th Armored Cavalry, Ohio National Guard (ARNG), the units on the campus grounds, attempted to disperse the students. The legality of the dispersal was later debated at a subsequent wrongful death and injury trial. On appeal, the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit ruled that authorities did indeed have the right to disperse the crowd.[28]

The dispersal process began late in the morning with campus patrolman Harold Rice[29] riding in a National Guard Jeep, approaching the students to read an order to disperse or face arrest. The protesters responded by throwing rocks, striking one campus patrolman and forcing the Jeep to retreat.[9]

Just before noon, the Guard returned and again ordered the crowd to disperse. When most of the crowd refused, the Guard used tear gas. Because of wind, the tear gas had little effect in dispersing the crowd, and some launched a second volley of rocks toward the Guard's line and chanted "Pigs off campus!" The students lobbed the tear gas canisters back at the National Guardsmen, who wore gas masks.

When it became clear that the crowd was not going to disperse, a group of 77 National Guard troops from A Company and Troop G, with bayonets fixed on their M1 Garand rifles, began to advance upon the hundreds of protesters. As the guardsmen advanced, the protesters retreated

Monday, May 4: a protest was scheduled to be held at noon, as had been planned three days earlier. University officials attempted to ban the gathering, handing out 12,000 leaflets stating that the event was canceled. Despite these efforts, an estimated 2,000 people gathered[27] on the university's Commons, ... At 12:24 p.m.,[30] according to eyewitnesses, a sergeant named Myron Pryor turned and began firing at the crowd of students with his .45 pistol.[31] A number of guardsmen nearest the students also turned and fired their rifles at the students. In all, at least 29 of the 77 guardsmen claimed to have fired their weapons, using an estimate of 67 rounds of ammunition. The shooting was determined to have lasted only 13 seconds,

The adjutant general of the Ohio National Guard told reporters that a sniper had fired on the guardsmen, which remains a debated allegation.

The shootings [allegedly] killed four students and wounded nine.

Eyewitness accounts: Several present related what they saw. Unidentified speaker 1: ... Unidentified speaker 2: ... Another witness was Chrissie Hynde, the future lead singer of The Pretenders and a student at Kent State University at the time. In her 2015 autobiography she described what she saw: ... The ROTC building, now nothing more than a few inches of charcoal, was surrounded by National Guardsmen. They were all on one knee and pointing their rifles at...us! Then they fired. ... Gerald Casale, the future bassist/singer of Devo also witnessed the shootings.[37] He recalled what he saw while speaking to the Vermont Review in 2005: ... Jeffrey Miller and Allison Krause, were my friends. ... I stopped being a hippie and I started to develop the idea of devolution.

Victims:

[4 Reportedly] Killed (and approximate distance from the National Guard): Jeffrey Glenn Miller; age 20; ... Allison B. Krause; age 19 ... Sandra Lee Scheuer; age 20; ... William Knox Schroeder; age 19 [Excerpt: at age 17 Schroeder applied for the Army Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) Scholarship.]

[1 of 9 Reportedly] Wounded (and approximate distance from the National Guard): ... James Dennis Russell; 375 ft (114 m); hit in his right thigh from a bullet and in the right forehead by birdshot [?], both wounds minor [Note: He is the only one listed there as wounded by a bullet.]

On June 13, 1970, as a consequence of the killings of protesting students at Kent State and Jackson State, President Nixon established the President's Commission on Campus Unrest, known as the Scranton Commission, which he charged to study the dissent, disorder, and violence breaking out on college and university campuses across the nation.[53] ... The Commission issued its findings in a September 1970 report that concluded that the Ohio National Guard shootings on May 4, 1970, were unjustified. The report said:

... Even if the guardsmen faced danger, it was not a danger that called for lethal force. The 61 shots by 28 guardsmen certainly cannot be justified. Apparently, no order to fire was given, and there was inadequate fire control discipline ...

Legal action: According to FBI reports, one part-time student, Terry Norman, was already noted by student protesters as an informant for both campus police and the Akron FBI branch. Norman was present during the May 4 protests, taking photographs to identify student leaders,[60] while carrying a sidearm and wearing a gas mask.

In 1970, FBI director J. Edgar Hoover responded to questions from then-Congressman John M. Ashbrook by denying that Norman had ever worked for the FBI, a statement Norman disputed.[61] On August 13, 1973, Indiana Senator Birch Bayh sent a memo to then-governor of Ohio John J. Gilligan suggesting that Norman may have fired the first shot, based on testimony he [Bayh] received from guardsmen who claimed that a gunshot fired from the vicinity of the protesters instigated the Guard to open fire on the students.[62]

Throughout the years since the shootings, debate has continued on about the events of May 4, 1970.[63][64]

Strubbe Tape and further government reviews: In 2007 Alan Canfora, one of the wounded students, located a static-filled copy of an audio tape of the shootings in a Yale library archive. The original 30-minute reel-to-reel audio tape recording was made by Terry Strubbe, a Kent State communications student who turned on his recorder and put its microphone in his dormitory window overlooking the campus.[67] At that time, Canfora asserted that an amplified version of the tape reveals the order to shoot, "Right here! Get Set! Point! Fire!". Lawrence Shafer, a guardsman who admitted he fired during the shootings and was one of those indicted in the 1974 federal criminal action with charges subsequently dismissed, told the Kent-Ravenna Record-Courier newspaper in May 2007: "I never heard any command to fire. That's all I can say on that." Referring to the assertion that the tape reveals the order, Shafer went on to say, "That's not to say there may not have been, but with all the racket and noise, I don't know how anyone could have heard anything that day." Shafer also said that "point" would not have been part of a proper command to open fire.[67]

A 2010 audio analysis of the Strubbe tape by Stuart Allen and Tom Owen, who were described by the Cleveland Plain Dealer as "nationally respected forensic audio experts," concluded that the guardsmen were given an order to fire. It is the only known recording to capture the events leading up to the shootings. According to the Plain Dealer description of the enhanced recording, a male voice yells "Guard!" Several seconds pass. Then, "All right, prepare to fire!" "Get down!," someone shouts urgently, presumably in the crowd. Finally, "Guard! ... " followed two seconds later by a long, booming volley of gunshots. The entire spoken sequence lasts 17 seconds. Further analysis of the audiotape revealed that what sounded like four pistol shots and a confrontation occurred approximately 70 seconds before the National Guard opened fire. According to The Plain Dealer, this new analysis raised questions about the role of Terry Norman, a Kent State student who was an FBI informant and known to be carrying a pistol during the disturbance.


Huston Plan - Wikipedia

The Huston Plan was a 43-page report and outline of proposed security operations put together by White House aide Tom Charles Huston in 1970. [1] It first came to light during the 1973 Watergate hearings headed by Senator Sam Ervin (a Democrat from North Carolina).

The impetus for this report stemmed from President Richard Nixon wanting more coordination of domestic intelligence in the area of gathering information about purported 'left-wing radicals' [i.e.: Communist agitators] and the counterculture-era anti-war movement in general. Huston had been assigned as White House liaison to the Interagency Committee on Intelligence (ICI), a group chaired by J. Edgar Hoover, then Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Director. Huston worked closely with William C. Sullivan, Hoover's assistant, in drawing up the options listed in what eventually became the document known as the Huston Plan.

In mid-July 1970 Nixon ratified the proposals and they were submitted as a document to the directors of the FBI, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) and the National Security Agency (NSA).

Out of these only Hoover objected to the plan, and gained the support of then Attorney General of the United States John Mitchell to pressure Nixon to rescind the plan.[2] And despite the ultimate decision by the President to revoke the Huston Plan, several of its provisions were implemented anyway.

After the Huston Plan, the FBI lowered the age of campus informants, thereby expanding surveillance of American college students as sought through the Plan. In 1971, the FBI reinstated its use of mail covers and continued to submit names to the CIA mail program.


Today In History: President Nixon and The Huston Plan - YouTube, less than 2 minutes

Published on Jul 23, 2013 by That Was History

In 1970, President Richard Nixon almost passed a security resolution known as The Huston Plan. The plan had many provisions that would have been deemed an intrusion of privacy at the time. J. Edgar Hoover urged Nixon and others to reconsider The Huston Plan, and Nixon would go on to revoke his approval of the plan shortly before the divisions of security, such as the FBI and CIA, were introduced to it. After the Watergate Scandal, Nixon was accused of illegally monitoring and invading people's privacy.


Church Committee: 40 Years Later - Huston Plan PREVIEW - YouTube, 4.5 minutes

Published on May 3, 2016 by C-SPAN

... on C-SPAN3's Reel America


Nixon says, "...but when the President does it, that means it is not illegal..." - YouTube, 7 seconds

Published on Mar 5, 2017

Former President Richard Nixon, interviewed by David Frost in [May] 1977.

From a comment at the site: Context is everything, so let's look at the [Insert: Viet Nam wartime] context. ... Nixon and Frost were talking about actions ordered by the President in the interests of national security. ... Nixon-haters prefer to ignore that fact, and to take that quote, for their own purposes, out of context.


Great interviews of the 20th century: Richard Nixon interviewed by David Frost | Media | The Guardian | Edited transcript of David Frost's interview with Richard Nixon broadcast in May 1977

-------

"They're on our left, they're on our right, they're in front of us, they're behind us...they can't get away this time." -- Col. Puller, USMC

GreyLmist  posted on  2018-07-24   2:59:05 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#3. To: Tatarewicz, HAPPY2BME-4UM (#1)

Words of truth. Nixon was great during the "red scare" and horrible after it, but you hate to see the kikers getting away with murder -- especially in view of current jew- caused "-gate" debacles.

_____________________________________________________________

USA! USA! USA! Bringing you democracy, or else! there were strains of VD that were incurable, and they were first found in the Philippines and then transmitted to the Korean working girls via US military. The 'incurables' we were told were first taken back to a military hospital in the Philippines to quietly die. – 4um

NeoconsNailed  posted on  2018-07-24   3:51:25 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#4. To: All (#2) (Edited)

Deleted to correct formatting.

-------

"They're on our left, they're on our right, they're in front of us, they're behind us...they can't get away this time." -- Col. Puller, USMC

GreyLmist  posted on  2019-06-08   21:54:52 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#5. To: All (#2) (Edited)

Today In History: President Nixon and The Huston Plan - YouTube, less than 2 minutes

Published on Jul 23, 2013 by That Was History

In 1970, President Richard Nixon almost passed a security resolution known as The Huston Plan. The plan had many provisions that would have been deemed an intrusion of privacy at the time. J. Edgar Hoover urged Nixon and others to reconsider The Huston Plan, and Nixon would go on to revoke his approval of the plan shortly before the divisions of security, such as the FBI and CIA, were introduced to it. After the Watergate Scandal, Nixon was accused of illegally monitoring and invading people's privacy.


Nixon says, "...but when the President does it, that means it is not illegal..." - YouTube, 7 seconds

Published on Mar 5, 2017

Former President Richard Nixon, interviewed by David Frost in [May] 1977.

From a comment at the site: Context is everything, so let's look at the [Insert: Viet Nam wartime] context. ... Nixon and Frost were talking about actions ordered by the President in the interests of national security. ... Nixon-haters prefer to ignore that fact, and to take that quote, for their own purposes, out of context.


Great interviews of the 20th century: Richard Nixon interviewed by David Frost | Media | The Guardian | Edited transcript of David Frost's interview with Richard Nixon broadcast in May 1977


4um Ref. @ Post #14: the Democrats were moving to impeach Nixon for no crime


Archiving for further context of Nixon's explanatory statement, "when the President does it, that means it is not illegal" in response to David Frost's interview question about the Huston Plan [which Nixon revoked and did not implement]:

Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 | Wiretaps - Wikipedia

The wiretapping section of the bill was passed in part as a response to the U.S. Supreme Court decisions Berger v. New York, 388 U.S. 41 (1967) and Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347 (1967), which both limited the power of the government to obtain information from citizens without their consent, based on the protections under the Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. In the Katz decision, the Court "extended the Fourth Amendment protection from unreasonable search and seizure to protect individuals with a 'reasonable expectation of privacy.'"

Section 2511(3) of the Crime Control Bill specifies that nothing in the act or the Federal Communications Act of 1934 shall limit the constitutional power of the President "to take such measures as he deems necessary":

"to protect the nation against actual or potential attack or other hostile acts of a foreign power, to obtain foreign intelligence information deemed essential to the security of the United States or to protect national security information against foreign intelligence activities"

"to protect the United States against the overthrow of the Government by force or other unlawful means, or against any other clear and present danger to the structure or existence of the Government"


Weather Underground | Declaration of war - Wikipedia

on May 21, 1970, the Weather Underground issued a "Declaration of War" against the United States government, ... a communiqué from the Weather Underground was issued promising to attack a "symbol or institution of American injustice" within two weeks. ... On June 9, 1970, a bomb made with ten sticks of dynamite exploded in the 240 Centre Street, the headquarters of the New York City Police Department. The explosion was preceded by a warning about six minutes prior to the detonation and was followed by a WUO claim of responsibility.


Huston Plan [July 23, 1970] - Wikipedia


Full text of "Huston Plan: Church Committee Hearings, Vol. 2" - SEPTEMBER 23, 24, AND 25, 1975 [Re: Pgs. 1-53]

Mr. Huston [@ Pg. 13]: Senator, I really was peripherally interested in the antiwar demonstrations. What I was concerned about was the 40,000 bombings that took place in 1 year. What I was concerned about was the 39 police officers who were killed in sniping incidents.
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Mr. Huston [@ Pgs. 31-32]: ... I still believe that there is a threat that may be characterized and defined as an internal security threat. I think there are people that want to destroy this country; I think there are people who are willing to go to great lengths to do it. I think the two attempts upon the life of the President are symptomatic of that. ... We were sitting in the White House getting reports day in and day out of what was happening in this country in terms of the violence, the numbers of bombings, the assassination attempts, the sniping incidents40,000 bombings; for example, in the month of May in a 2-week period were averaging six arsons a day against ROTC facilities. [An example of ROTC facility arson @ 4um Ref. re: Kent State Riots - May 4, 1970]

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"They're on our left, they're on our right, they're in front of us, they're behind us...they can't get away this time." -- Col. Puller, USMC

GreyLmist  posted on  2019-06-09   8:39:58 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


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