See other War, War, War Articles
Title: Violating the Constitution With an Illegal War
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http://www.lewrockwell.com
URL Source: http://www.lewrockwell.com/paul/paul57.html
Published: Oct 3, 2002
Author: Rep. Ron Paul, MD
Post Date: 2007-04-03 20:34:01 by robin
Keywords: None
Views: 2368
Comments: 267
Ron Paul in the US House of Representatives, October 3, 2002 The last time Congress declared war was on December 11, 1941, against Germany in response to its formal declaration of war against the United States. This was accomplished with wording that took less than one-third of a page, without any nitpicking arguments over precise language, yet it was a clear declaration of who the enemy was and what had to be done. And in three-and-a-half years, this was accomplished. A similar resolve came from the declaration of war against Japan three days earlier. Likewise, a clear-cut victory was achieved against Japan. Many Americans have been forced into war since that time on numerous occasions, with no congressional declaration of war and with essentially no victories. Today’s world political condition is as chaotic as ever. We’re still in Korea and we’re still fighting the Persian Gulf War that started in 1990. The process by which we’ve entered wars over the past 57 years, and the inconclusive results of each war since that time, are obviously related to Congress’ abdication of its responsibility regarding war, given to it by Article I Section 8 of the Constitution. Congress has either ignored its responsibility entirely over these years, or transferred the war power to the executive branch by a near majority vote of its Members, without consideration of it by the states as an amendment required by the Constitution. Congress is about to circumvent the Constitution and avoid the tough decision of whether war should be declared by transferring this monumental decision-making power regarding war to the President. Once again, the process is being abused. Odds are, since a clear-cut decision and commitment by the people through their representatives are not being made, the results will be as murky as before. We will be required to follow the confusing dictates of the UN, since that is where the ultimate authority to invade Iraq is coming from – rather than from the American people and the U.S. Constitution. Controversial language is being hotly debated in an effort to satisfy political constituencies and for Congress to avoid responsibility of whether to go to war. So far the proposed resolution never mentions war, only empowering the President to use force at his will to bring about peace. Rather strange language indeed! A declaration of war limits the presidential powers, narrows the focus, and implies a precise end point to the conflict. A declaration of war makes Congress assume the responsibilities directed by the Constitution for this very important decision, rather than assume that if the major decision is left to the President and a poor result occurs, it will be his fault, not that of Congress. Hiding behind the transfer of the war power to the executive through the War Powers Resolution of 1973 will hardly suffice. However, the modern way we go to war is even more complex and deceptive. We must also write language that satisfies the UN and all our allies. Congress gladly transfers the legislative prerogatives to declare war to the President, and the legislative and the executive branch both acquiesce in transferring our sovereign rights to the UN, an un-elected international government. No wonder the language of the resolution grows in length and incorporates justification for starting this war by citing UN Resolutions. In order to get more of what we want from the United Nations, we rejoined UNESCO, which Ronald Reagan had bravely gotten us out of, and promised millions of dollars of U.S. taxpayer support to run this international agency started by Sir Julian Huxley. In addition, we read of promises by our administration that once we control Iraqi oil, it will be available for allies like France and Russia, who have been reluctant to join our efforts. What a difference from the days when a declaration of war was clean and precise and accomplished by a responsible Congress and an informed people! A great irony of all this is that the United Nations Charter doesn’t permit declaring war, especially against a nation that has been in a state of peace for 12 years. The UN can only declare peace. Remember, it wasn’t a war in Korea; it was only a police action to bring about peace. But at least in Korea and Vietnam there was fighting going on, so it was a bit easier to stretch the language than it is today regarding Iraq. Since Iraq doesn’t even have an Air Force or a Navy, is incapable of waging a war, and remains defenseless against the overwhelming powers of the United States and the British, it’s difficult to claim that we’re going into Iraq to restore peace. History will eventually show that if we launch this attack the real victims will be the innocent Iraqi civilians who despise Saddam Hussein and are terrified of the coming bombs that will destroy their cities. The greatest beneficiaries of the attack may well be Osama bin Ladin and the al Qaeda. Some in the media have already suggested that the al Qaeda may be encouraging the whole event. Unintended consequences will occur – what will come from this attack is still entirely unknown. It’s a well-known fact that the al Qaeda are not allies of Saddam Hussein and despise the secularization and partial westernization of Iraqi culture. They would welcome the chaos that’s about to come. This will give them a chance to influence post-Saddam Hussein Iraq. The attack, many believe, will confirm to the Arab world that indeed the Christian West has once again attacked the Muslim East, providing radical fundamentalists a tremendous boost for recruitment. An up or down vote on declaring war against Iraq would not pass the Congress, and the President has no intention of asking for it. This is unfortunate, because if the process were carried out in a constitutional fashion, the American people and the U.S. Congress would vote "No" on assuming responsibility for this war. Not only is it sad that we have gone so far astray from our Constitution, but it’s also dangerous for world peace and threatens our liberties here at home. Dr. Ron Paul is a Republican member of Congress from Texas. 
Transferring authority to wage war, calling it permission to use force to fight for peace in order to satisfy the UN Charter, which replaces the Article I, Section 8 war power provision, is about as close to 1984 "newspeak" that we will ever get in the real world.
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#74. To: BeAChooser (#63)
I am shocked, shocked I tell you, to discover that a Joint Resolution of Congress made pursuant to the War Powers Resolution, and which cites said War Powers Resolution four (4) times by name, contains the word war. It also contains the specific authorization involved: SEC. 2. AUTHORIZATION FOR USE OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES. (a) IN GENERAL- That the President is authorized to use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such organizations or persons, in order to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations or persons. (b) War Powers Resolution Requirements- (1) SPECIFIC STATUTORY AUTHORIZATION- Consistent with section 8(a)(1) of the War Powers Resolution, the Congress declares that this section is intended to constitute specific statutory authorization within the meaning of section 5(b) of the War Powers Resolution. (2) APPLICABILITY OF OTHER REQUIREMENTS- Nothing in this resolution supercedes any requirement of the War Powers Resolution. Did Iraq:
********* "resolution 678 (1990) authorized Member States to use all necessary means to uphold and implement its resolution 660 (1990) of 2 August 1990 and all relevant resolutions subsequent to resolution 660 (1990) and to restore international peace and security in the area," "Determined to ensure full and immediate compliance by Iraq without conditions or restrictions with its obligations under resolution 687 (1991) and other relevant resolutions ********** I suppose you think that the UN thought "serious consequences" meant more diplomacy ... with a quarter million US soldiers mobilizing on Iraq's borders and with the US Congress having already passed a bill authorizing the use of military force. ROTFLOL!
Yes. Al-Zarqawi, who was closely tied with al-Qaeda, was in Iraq long before we invaded, and in fact met with al-Qaeda members in Baghdad to fund and plan an attack on the US embassy in Amman using a chemically laced bomb. Furthermore, Iraq was asked multiple times by the Jordan and the US to apprehend al-Zarqawi and Iraq made no real attempt. But Iraq was aware that al-Zarqawi was in the country. That we know. When Iraq did manage to pick up a member of al-Zarqawi's group, they released him (on Saddam's orders, according to the CIA). And you forgot to quote the rest of that sentence: "or harbored such organizations or persons, in order to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations or persons." A good case can be made that one reason the chemical bomb plot failed was that al-Zarqawi was put on the run by the invasion and therefore couldn't monitor it as closely as he might have. Or perhaps the invasion even led to intelligence that allowed Jordan to intercept the terrorists before they could complete their mission. No, because unlike Iraq, Saudi Arabia's government condemned the attack, was not on speaking terms with bin Laden (in fact, bin Laden's people were trying to topple the Saudi leadership) and Saudi Arabia after 9/11 made significant efforts to destroy al-Qaeda's operations in their country. Contrast that with Iraq's government which applauded the actions of the terrorists on 9/11, was still in communication with al-Qaeda after 9/11, and instead of rounding up al-Qaeda was allowing al-Qaeda to operate freely in their country. And don't forget, preventing al-Qaeda from getting access to WMD was a major concern following an attack on 9/11 that certainly showed a willingness to cross the WMD threshold and following discovery in Afghanistan of an interest in WMD by al-Qaeda. Iraq had WMD technology ... the Saudi's did not.
Which of these UN Security Council resolutions authorize the use of military force against Israel? 100 SERIES: 1955 - 1962 EXCERPTS FROM UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS ALL LINKS GO TO THE JEWISH VIRTUAL LIBRARY. Resolution 106 (March 29, 1955) 2. Calls again upon Israel to take all necessary measures to prevent such actions; 3. Condemns the attack of 11 December 1955 as a flagrant violation of the cease-fire provisions of its resolution 54 (1948), of the terms of the General Armistice Agreement between Israel and Syria, and of Israel's obligations under the Charter of the United Nations; 4. Expresses its grave concern at the failure of the Government of Israel to comply with its obligations; 5. Calls upon the Government of Israel to do so in the future, in default of which the Council will have to consider what further measures under the Charter are required to maintain or restore the peace; 2. Urges Israel to comply with this decision; 3. Determines that the Israel attack of 16-17 March 1962 constitutes a flagrant violation of that resolution, and calls upon Israel scrupulously to refrain from such action in the future;
Which of these UN Security Council resolutions authorizes the use of military force against Israel? EXCERPTS FROM UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS 200 SERIES: 1966-1971 ALL LINKS GO TO THE JEWISH VIRTUAL LIBRARY. Resolution 228 (November 25, 1966) 1. Deplores the loss of life and heavy damage to property resulting from the action of the Government of Israel on 13 November 1966; 2. Censures Israel for this large-scale military action in violation of the United Nations Charter and of the General Armistice Agreement between Israel and Jordan; 3. Emphasizes to Israel that actions of military reprisal cannot be tolerated and that, if they are repeated, the Security Council will have to consider further and more effective steps as envisaged in the Charter to ensure against the repetition of such acts; 1. Calls upon the Government of Israel to ensure the safety, welfare and security of the inhabitants of the areas where military operations have taken place and to facilitate the return of those inhabitants who have fled the areas since the outbreak of hostilities ; 2. Recommends to the Governments concerned the scrupulous respect of the humanitarian principles governing the treatment of prisoners of war and the protection of civilian persons in time of war contained in the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 Emphasizing further that all Member States in their acceptance of the Charter of the United Nations have undertaken a commitment to act in accordance with Article 2 of the Charter. 1. Affirms that the fulfillment of Charter principles requires the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East which should include the application of both the following principles: (i) Withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict; (ii) Termination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force; Observing that the military action by the armed forces of Israel on the territory of Jordan was of a large-scale and carefully planned nature, Considering that all violent incidents and other violations of the cease-fire should be prevented and not overlooking past incidents of this nature, Recalling further resolution 237 (1967) which called upon the Government of Israel to ensure the safety, welfare and security of the inhabitants of the areas where military operations have taken place, 1. Deplores the loss of life and heavy damage to property; 2. Condemns the military action launched by Israel in flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter and the cease-fire resolutions; 3. Deplores all violent incidents in violation of the cease-fire and declares that such actions of military reprisal and other grave violations of the cease-fire cannot be tolerated and that the Security Council would have to consider further and more effective steps as envisaged in the Charter to ensure against repetition of such acts; 4. Calls upon Israel to desist from acts or activities in contravention of resolution 237 (1967); Considering that the holding of a military parade in Jerusalem will aggravate tensions in the area and have an adverse effect on a peaceful settlement of the problems in the area, 1. Calls upon Israel to refrain from holding the military parade in Jerusalem which is contemplated for 2 May 1968; Deeply deplores the holding by Israel of the military parade in Jerusalem on 2 May 1968 in disregard of the unanimous decision adopted by the Council on 27 April 1968. Having considered the letter of the Permanent Representative of Jordan on the situation in Jerusalem (S/8560)1/ and the report of the Secretary-General (S/8146),2/ Having heard the statements made before the Council, Noting that since the adoption of the above-mentioned resolutions Israel has taken further measures and actions in contravention of those resolutions, Bearing in mind the need to work for a just and lasting peace, Reaffirming that acquisition of territory by military conquest is inadmissible, 1. Deplores the failure of Israel to comply with the General Assembly resolutions mentioned above; 2. Considers that all legislative and administrative measures and actions taken by Israel, including expropriation of land and properties thereon, which tend to change the legal status of Jerusalem are invalid and cannot change that status; 3. Urgently calls upon Israel to rescind all such measures already taken and to desist forthwith from taking any further action which tends to change the status of Jerusalem; Gravely concerned about the deteriorating situation resulting therefrom, 1. Reaffirms its resolution 248 (1968) which, inter alia, declares that grave violations of the cease-fire cannot be tolerated and that the Council would have to consider further and more effective steps as envisaged in the Charter to ensure against repetition of such acts; 2. Deplores the loss of life and heavy damage to property; 3. Considers that premeditated and repeated military attacks endanger the maintenance of the peace; 4. Condemns the further military attacks launched by Israel in flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter and resolution 248 (1968) and warns that if such attacks were to be repeated the Council would duly take account of the failure to comply with the present resolution. 1. Requests the Secretary-General urgently to dispatch a Special Representative to the Arab territories under military occupation by Israel following the hostilities of 5 June 1967, and to report on the implementation of resolution 237 (1967); 2. Requests the Government of Israel to receive the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, to co-operate with him and to facilitate his work; Gravely concerned about the deteriorating situation resulting from this violation of the Security Council resolutions, Deeply concerned about the deteriorating situation resulting from this violation of the Security Council resolutions, Deeply concerned about the need to assure free uninterrupted international civil air traffic, 1. Condemns Israel for its premeditated military action in violation of its obligations under the Charter and the cease-fire resolutions; 2. Considers that such premeditated acts of violence endanger the maintenance of the peace; 3. Issues a solemn warning to Israel that if such acts were to be repeated, the Council would have to consider further steps to give effect to its decisions; 4. Considers that Lebanon is entitled to appropriate redress for the destruction it has suffered, responsibility for which has been acknowledged by Israel. Viewing with deep concern that the recent air attacks on Jordanian villages and other populated areas were of a pre-planned nature, in violation of resolutions 248 (1968) of 24 March 1968 and 256 (1968) of 16 August 1968, Gravely concerned about the deteriorating situation which endangers peace and security in the area, 1. Reaffirms resolutions 248 (1968) and 256 (1968); 2. Deplores the loss of civilian life and damage to property; 3. Condemns the recent premeditated air attacks launched by Israel on Jordanian villages and populated area in flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter and the cease-fire resolutions, and warns once again that if such attacks were to be repeated the Security Council would have to meet to consider further and more effective steps as envisaged in the Charter to ensure against repetition of such attacks. 2. Deplores the failure of Israel to show any regard for the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council mentioned above; 3. Censures in the strongest terms all measures taken to change the status of the City of Jerusalem; 4. Confirms that all legislative and administrative measures and actions taken by Israel which purport to alter the status of Jerusalem, including expropriation of land and properties thereon, are invalid and cannot change that status; 5. Urgently calls once more upon Israel to rescind forthwith all measures taken by it which may tend to change the status of the City of Jerusalem, and in future to refrain from all actions likely to have such an effect; 6. Requests Israel to inform the Security Council without any further delay of its intentions with regard to the implementation of the provisions of the present resolution; 7. Determines that, in the event of a negative response or no response from Israel, the Security Council shall reconvene without delay to consider what further action should be taken in this matter; Mindful of its responsibility under the relevant provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, 1. Condemns the premeditated air attack by Israel on villages in southern Lebanon in violation of its obligations under the Charter and Security Council resolutions; 2. Deplores all violent incidents in violation of the cease-fire; 3. Deplores the extension of the area of fighting; 4. Declares that such actions of military reprisal and other grave violations of the cease-fire cannot be tolerated and that the Security Council would have to consider further and more effective steps as envisaged in the Charter to ensure against repetition of such acts. 4. Calls upon Israel scrupulously to observe the provisions of the Geneva Conventions 1/ and international law governing military occupation and to refrain from causing any hindrance to the discharge of the established functions of the Supreme Moslem Council of Jerusalem, including any co-operation that Council may desire from countries with predominantly Moslem population and from Moslem communities in relation to its plans for the maintenance and repair of the Islamic Holy Places in Jerusalem; 5. Condemns the failure of Israel to comply with the aforementioned resolutions and calls upon it to implement forthwith the provisions of these resolutions; 6. Reiterates the determination in paragraph 7 of resolution 267 (1969) that, in the event of a negative response or no response, the Security Council shall convene without delay to consider what further action should be taken in this matter; Demands the immediate withdrawal of all Israeli armed forces from Lebanese territory. Convinced that the Israeli military attack against Lebanon was premeditated and of a large scale and carefully planned in nature, Recalling its resolution 279 (1970) of 12 May 1970 demanding the immediate withdrawal of all Israeli armed forces from Lebanese territory, 1. Deplores the failure of Israel to abide by resolutions 262 (1968) and 270 (1969); 2. Condemns Israel for its premeditated military action in violation of its obligations under the Charter of the United Nations; 3. Declares that such armed attacks can no longer be tolerated and repeats its solemn warning to Israel that if they were to be repeated the Security Council would, in accordance with resolution 262 (1968) and the present resolution, consider taking adequate and effective steps or measures in accordance with the relevant Articles of the Charter to implement its resolutions; Demands the complete and immediate withdrawal of all Israeli armed forces from Lebanese territory. 2. Deplores the failure of Israel to respect the previous resolutions adopted by the United Nations concerning measures and actions by Israel purporting to affect the status of the City of Jerusalem; 3. Confirms in the clearest possible terms that all legislative and administrative actions taken by Israel to change the status of the City of Jerusalem, including expropriation of land and properties, transfer of populations and legislation aimed at the incorporation of the occupied section, are totally invalid and cannot change that status; 4. Urgently calls upon Israel to rescind all previous measures and actions and to take no further steps in the occupied section of Jerusalem which may purport to change the status of the City or which would prejudice the rights of the inhabitants and the interests of the international community, or a just and lasting peace;
Which of these UN Security Council resolutions authorizes the use of military force against Israel? 300 SERIES: 1972-1974 EXCERPTS FROM UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS ALL LINKS GO TO THE JEWISH VIRTUAL LIBRARY. Resolution 313 (February 28, 1972) Demands that Israel immediately desist and refrain from any ground and air military action against Lebanon and forthwith withdraw all its military forces from Lebanese territory. Gravely concerned at Israel's failure to comply with Security Council resolutions 262 (1968) of 31 December 1968, 270 (1969) of 26 August 1969, 280 (1970) of 19 May 1970, 285 (1970) of 5 September 1970 and 313 (1972) of 28 February 1972 calling on Israel to desist forthwith from any violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon, 1. Calls upon Israel to strictly abide by the aforementioned resolutions and to refrain from all military acts against Lebanon; 2. Condemns, while profoundly deploring all acts of violence, the repeated attacks of Israeli forces on Lebanese territory and population in violation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and Israel's obligations thereunder; 3. Expresses the strong desire that appropriate steps will lead, as an immediate consequence, to the release in the shortest possible time of all Syrian and Lebanese military and security personnel abducted by Israeli armed forces on 21 June 1972 on Lebanese territory; 4. Declares that if the above-mentioned steps do not result in the release of the abducted personnel or if Israel fails to comply with the present resolution, the Council will reconvene at the earliest to consider further action. 2. Deplores the fact that despite these efforts, effect has not yet been given to the Security Council's strong desire that all Syrian and Lebanese military and security personnel abducted by Israeli armed forces from Lebanese territory on 21 June 1972 should be released in the shortest possible time; 3. Calls upon Israel for the return of the above-mentioned personnel without delay; Gravely concerned at the deteriorating situation resulting from the violation of Security Council resolutions, Deeply deploring all recent acts of violence resulting in the loss of life of innocent individuals and the endangering of international civil aviation, Recalling the General Armistice Agreement between Israel and Lebanon of 23 March 1949 and the cease-fire established pursuant to resolutions 233 (1967) of 6 June 1967 and 234 (1967) of 7 June 1967, Recalling its resolutions 262 (1968) of 31 December 1968, 270 (1969) of 26 August 1969, 280 (1970) of 19 May 1970 and 316 (1972) of 26 June 1972, 1. Expresses deep concern over and condemns all acts of violence which endanger or take innocent human lives; 2. Condemns the repeated military attacks conducted by Israel against Lebanon and Israel's violation of Lebanon's territorial integrity and sovereignty in contravention of the Charter of the United Nations, of the Armistice Agreement between Israel and Lebanon and of the Council's cease-fire resolutions; 3. Calls upon Israel to desist forthwith from all military attacks on Lebanon. Gravely concerned that such an act carried out by Israel, a Member of the United Nations, constitutes a serious interference with international civil aviation and a violation of the Charter of the United Nations, Recognizing that such an act could jeopardize the lives and safety of passengers and crew and violates the provisions of international conventions safeguarding civil aviation, Recalling its resolutions 262 (1968) of 31 December 1968 and 286 (1970) of 9 September 1970, 1. Condemns the Government of Israel for violating Lebanon's sovereignty and territorial integrity and for the forcible diversion and seizure by the Israeli air force of a Lebanese airliner from Lebanon's air space; 2. Considers that these actions by Israel constitute a violation of the Lebanese-Israeli Armistice Agreement of 1949, the cease-fire resolutions of the Security Council of 1967, the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, the international conventions on civil aviation and the principles of international law and morality; 3. Calls on the International Civil Aviation Organization to take due account of this resolution when considering adequate measures to safeguard international civil aviation against these actions; 4. Calls on Israel to desist from any and all acts that violate Lebanon's sovereignty and territorial integrity and endanger the safety of international civil aviation and solemnly warns Israel that, if such acts are repeated, the Council will consider taking adequate steps or measures to enforce its resolutions. 1. Calls upon all parties to the present fighting to cease all firing and terminate all military activity immediately, no later than 12 hours after the moment of the adoption of this decision, in the positions they now occupy; 2. Calls upon the parties concerned to start immediately after the ceasefire the implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) in all of its parts; 3. Decides that, immediately and concurrently with the ceasefire, negotiations start between the parties concerned under appropriate auspices aimed at establishing a just and durable peace in the Middle East. Referring to its resolution 338 (1973) of 22 October 1973, 1. Confirms its decision on an immediate cessation of all kinds of firing and of all military action, and urges that the forces be returned to the positions they occupied at the moment the cease-fire became effective; 2. Requests the Secretary General to take measures for immediate dispatch of United Nations observers to supervise the observance of the cease-fire between the forces of Israel and the Arab Republic of Egypt, using for this purpose the personnel of the United Nations now in the Middle East and first of all the personnel now in Cairo. Deeply disturbed at the continuation of acts of violence, Gravely concerned that such acts might endanger efforts now taking place to bring about a just and lasting peace in the Middle East, 1. Condemns Israel's violation of Lebanon's territorial integrity and sovereignty and calls once more on the Government of Israel to refrain from further military actions and threats against Lebanon; 2. Condemns all acts of violence, especially those which result in the tragic loss of innocent civilian life, and urges all concerned to refrain from any further acts of violence; 3. Calls upon all Governments concerned to respect their obligations under the Charter of the United Nations and international law; 4. Calls upon Israel forthwith to release and return to Lebanon the abducted Lebanese civilians;
Which of these UN Security Council resolutions authorizes the use of military force against Israel? 400 SERIES: 1978-1981 EXCERPTS FROM UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS ALL LINKS GO TO THE JEWISH VIRTUAL LIBRARY. Resolution 425 (March 19, 1978) Decides, in the light of the request of the Government of Lebanon, to establish immediately under its authority a United Nations interim force for southern Lebanon for the purpose of confirming the withdrawal of Israeli forces, restoring international peace and security and assisting the Government of Lebanon in ensuring the return of its effective authority in the area, the force to be composed of personnel drawn from States Members of the United Nations. 1. Approves the increase in the strength of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon requested by the SecretaryGeneral from 4,000 to approximately 6,000 troops; 2. Takes note of the withdrawal of Israeli forces that has taken place so far; 3. Calls upon Israel to complete its withdrawal from all Lebanese territory without any further delay; 4. Deplores the attacks on the United Nations Force that have occurred and demands full respect for the United Nations Force from all parties in Lebanon. Reiterating its conviction that the continuation of the situation constitutes a challenge to its authority and a defiance of its resolutions, Noting with regret that UNIFIL has reached the end of its second mandate without being enabled to complete all of the tasks assigned to it, Stressing that free and unhampered movement for UNIFIL is essential for the fulfilment of its mandate within its entire area of operation, Reaffirming the necessity for the strict respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of Lebanon within its internationally recognized boundaries, Re-emphasizing the temporary nature of UNIFIL as set out in its terms of reference, Acting in response to the request of the Government of Lebanon taking into account the Secretary-General's report, 1. Deplores the lack of co-operation particularly on Israel's part with UNIFIL's efforts to fully implement its mandate including Israel's assistance to irregular armed groups in southern Lebanon; 1. Determines that the policy and practices of Israel in establishing settlements in the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied since 1967 have no legal validity and constitute a serious obstruction to achieving a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East; 2. Strongly deplores the failure of Israel to abide by Security Council resolutions 237 (1967) of 14 June 1967, 252 (1968) of 21 May 1968 and 298 (1971) of 25 September 1971 and the consensus statement by the President of the Security Council on 11 November 1976 2/ and General Assembly resolutions 2253 (ES-V) and 2254 (ES-V) of 4 and 14 July 1967, 32/5 of 28 October 1977 and 33/113 of 18 December 1978; 3. Calls once more upon Israel, as the occupying Power, to abide scrupulously by the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention, to rescind its previous measures and to desist from taking any action which would result in changing the legal status and geographical nature and materially affecting the demographic composition of the Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, and, in particular, not to transfer parts of its own civilian population into the occupied Arab territories; Expressing its anxiety about the continued existence of obstacles against the full deployment of the Force and the threats to its very security, its freedom of movement and the safety of its headquarters which prevented the completion of the phased programme of activities, Convinced that the present situation has serious consequences for peace and security in the Middle East and impedes the achievement of a just, comprehensive and durable peace in the area, 1. Strongly deplores acts of violence against Lebanon that have led to the displacement of civilians, including Palestinians, and brought about destruction and loss of innocent lives; 2. Calls upon Israel to cease forthwith its acts against the territorial integrity, unity, sovereignty and political independence of Lebanon, in particular its incursions into Lebanon and the assistance it continues to lend to irresponsible armed groups; Taking note of the report and recommendations of the Security Council Commission established under resolution 446 (1979) to examine the situation relating to settlements in the Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, contained in document S/13450, Strongly deploring the lack of cooperation of Israel with the Commission, Considering that the policy of Israel in establishing settlements in the occupied Arab territories has no legal validity and constitutes a violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949, Deeply concerned by the practices of the Israeli authorities in implementing that settlements policy in the occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem, and its consequences for the local Arab and Palestinian population, Emphasizing the need for confronting the issue of the existing settlements and the need to consider measures to safeguard the impartial protection of property seized, Bearing in mind the specific status of Jerusalem, and reconfirming pertinent Security Council resolutions concerning Jerusalem and in particular the need to protect and preserve the unique spiritual and religious dimension of the Holy Places in that city, Drawing attention to the grave consequences which the settlements policy is bound to have on any attempt to reach a peaceful solution in the Middle East, 1. Commends the work done by the Commission in preparing the report on the establishment of Israeli settlements in the Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem; 2. Accepts the recommendations contained in the abovementioned report of the Commission; 3. Calls upon the Government and people of Israel to cease, on an urgent basis, the establishment, construction and planning of settlements in the Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem; Affirming once more that the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949 is applicable to the Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem, Deploring the decision of the Government of Israel to officially support Israeli settlement in the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied since 1967, Deeply concerned over the practices of the Israeli authorities in implementing that settlement policy in the occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem, and its consequences for the local Arab and Palestinian population, Taking into account the need to consider measures for the impartial protection of private and public land and property, and water resources, Bearing in mind the specific status of Jerusalem and, in particular, the need for protection and preservation of the unique spiritual and religious dimension of the Holy Places in the city, Drawing attention to the grave consequences which the settlement policy is bound to have on any attempt to reach a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East, Recalling pertinent Security Council resolutions, specifically resolutions 237 (1967) of 14 June 1967, 252 (1968) of 21 May 1968, 267 (1969) of 3 July 1969, 271 (1969) of 15 September 1969 and 298 (1971) of 25 September 1971, as well as the consensus statement made by the President of the Security Council on 11 November 1976, Having invited Mr. Fahd Qawasmeh, Mayor of Al-Khalil (Hebron), in the occupied territory, to supply it with information pursuant to rule 39 of the provisional rules of procedure, 1. Commends the work done by the Commission in preparing the report contained in document S/13679; 2. Accepts the conclusions and recommendations contained in the above-mentioned report of the Commission; 3. Calls upon all parties, particularly the Government of Israel, to co-operate with the Commission; 4. Strongly deplores the decision of Israel to prohibit the free travel of Mayor Fahd Qawasmeh in order to appear before the Security Council, and requests Israel to permit his free travel to the United Nations Headquarters for that purpose; 5. Determines that all measures taken by Israel to change the physical character, demographic composition, institutional structure or status of the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, or any part thereof, have no legal validity and that Israel's policy and practices of settling parts of its population and new immigrants in those territories constitute a flagrant violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War and also constitute a serious obstruction to achieving a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East; 6. Strongly deplores the continuation and persistence of Israel in pursuing those policies and practices and calls upon the Government and people of Israel to rescind those measures, to dismantle the existing settlements and in particular to cease, on an urgent basis, the establishment, construction and planning of settlements in the Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem; 7. Calls upon all States not to provide Israel with any assistance to be used specifically in connexion with settlements in the occupied territories; 2. Condemns all actions contrary to the provisions of the above-mentioned resolutions and, in particular, strongly deplores: (a) Any violation of Lebanese sovereignty and territorial integrity; (b) Israel's military intervention into Lebanon; (c) All acts of violence in violation of the General Armistice Agreement between Israel and Lebanon; (d) Provision of military assistance to the so-called "de facto forces"; (e) All acts of interference with the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization; (f) All acts of hostility against UNIFIL and in or through the UNIFIL area of operation as inconsistent with Security Council resolutions; (g) All obstructions of UNIFIL's ability to confirm the complete withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon, to supervise the cessation of hostilities, to ensure the peaceful character of the area of operation, to control movement and to take measures deemed necessary to ensure the effective restoration of Lebanon's sovereignty; Recalling the Geneva Convention of 1949, Deeply concerned at the expulsion by the Israeli military occupation authorities of the Mayors of Hebron and Halhoul and of the Sharia Judge of Hebron, Calls upon the Government of Israel as occupying Power to rescind these illegal measures and to facilitate the immediate return of the expelled Palestinian leaders so that they can resume the functions for which they were elected and appointed, 1. Strongly deplores the failure of the Government of Israel to implement Security Council resolution 468 (1980) of 8 May 1980; 2. Calls again upon the Government of Israel, as occupying Power, to rescind the illegal measures taken by the Israeli military occupation authorities in expelling the mayors of Hebron and Halhoul and the Sharia Judge of Hebron, and to facilitate the immediate return of the expelled Palestinian leaders, so that they can resume their functions for which they were elected and appointed; Recalling also its resolutions 468 (1980) and 469 (1980) of 8 and 20 May 1980, Reaffirming its resolution 465 (1980), by which the Council determined "that all measures taken by Israel to change the physical character, demographic composition, institutional structure or status of the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, or in any part thereof, have no legal validity and that Israel's policy and practices of settling parts of its population and new immigrants in those territories constitute a flagrant violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War and also constitute a serious obstruction to achieving a comprehensive just and lasting peace in the Middle East" and strongly deplored the "continuation and persistence of Israel in pursuing those policies and practices", Shocked by the assassination attempts on the lives of the mayors of Nablus, Ramallah and Al Bireh, Deeply concerned that the Jewish settlers in the occupied Arab territories are allowed to carry arms thus enabling them to perpetrate crimes against the civilian Arab population, 1. Condemns the assassination attempts on the lives of the mayors of Nablus, Ranallah and Al Bireh and calls for the immediate apprehension and prosecution of the perpetrators of these crimes; 2. Expresses deep concern that Israel, as occupying Power, has failed to provide adequate protection to the civilian population in the occupied territories in conformity with the provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War (1949); 3. Calls upon the Government of Israel to provide the victims with adequate compensation for the damages suffered as a result of these crimes; 4. Calls again upon the Government of Israel to respect and to comply with the provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, as well as with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council; 5. Calls once again upon all States not to provide Israel with any assistance to be used specifically in connexion with settlements in the occupied territories; 6. Reaffirms the overriding necessity to end the prolonged occupation of Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem; Bearing in mind the specific status of Jerusalem and, in particular, the need for protection and preservation of the unique spiritual and religious dimension of the Holy Places in the city, Reaffirming its resolutions relevant to the character and status of the Holy City of Jerusalem, in particular resolutions 252 (1968) of 21 May 1968, 267 (1969) of 3 July 1969, 271 (1969) of 15 September 1969, 298 (1971) of 25 September 1971 and 465 (1980) of 1 March 1980, Recalling the Fourth Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949 relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, Deploring the persistence of Israel, in changing the physical character, demographic composition, institutional structure and the status of the Holy City of Jerusalem, Gravely concerned over the legislative steps initiated in the Israeli Knesset with the aim of changing the character and status of the Holy City of Jerusalem, 1. Reaffirms the overriding necessity to end the prolonged occupation of Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem; 2. Strongly deplores the continued refusal of Israel, the occupying Power, to comply with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly; 3. Reconfirms that all legislative and administrative measures and actions taken by Israel, the occupying Power, which purport to alter the character and status of the Holy City of Jerusalem have no legal validity and constitute a flagrant violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War and also constitute a serious obstruction to achieving a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East; 4. Reiterates that all such measures which have altered the geographic, demographic and historical character and status of the Holy City of Jerusalem are null and void and must be rescinded in compliance with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council; 5. Urgently calls on Israel, the occupying Power, to abide by this and previous Security Council resolutions and to desist forthwith from persisting in the policy and measures affecting the character and status of the Holy City of Jerusalem; 6. Reaffirms its determination in the event of non-compliance by Israel with this resolution, to examine practical ways and means in accordance with relevant provisions of the Charter of the United Nations to secure the full implementation of this resolution. Recalling its resolution 476 (1980) of 30 June 1980, Reaffirming again that the acquisition of territory by force is inadmissible, Deeply concerned over the enactment of a "basic law" in the Israeli Knesset proclaiming a change in the character and status of the Holy City of Jerusalem, with its implications for peace and security, Noting that Israel has not complied with Security Council resolution 476 (1980), Reaffirming its determination to examine practical ways and means, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, to secure the full implementation of its resolution 476 (1980), in the event of non-compliance by Israel, 1. Censures in the strongest terms the enactment by Israel of the "basic law" on Jerusalem and the refusal to comply with relevant Security Council resolutions; 2. Affirms that the enactment of the "basic law" by Israel constitutes a violation of international law and does not affect the continued application of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949 Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War in the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied since June 1967, including Jerusalem; 3. Determines that all legislative and administrative measures and actions taken by Israel, the occupying Power, which have altered or purport to alter the character and status of the Holy City of Jerusalem, and, in particular, the recent "basic law" on Jerusalem, are null and void and must be rescinded forthwith; 4. Affirms also that this action constitutes a serious obstruction to achieving a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East; 5. Decides not to recognise the "basic law" and such other actions by Israel that, as a result of this law, seek to alter the character and status of Jerusalem and calls upon all Members of the United Nations: (a) to accept this decision; (b) and upon those States that have established diplomatic Missions in Jerusalem to withdraw such Missions from the Holy City; Recalling its resolutions 468 (1980) and 469 (1980), Taking note of General Assembly resolution 35/122 F, Expresses its grave concern at the expulsion by Israel of the Mayor of Hebron and the Mayor of Halhoul, 1. Reaffirms the applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 to all the Arab territories occupied by Israel in 1967; 2. Calls upon Israel, the occupying Power, to adhere to the provisions of the Convention; 3. Declares it imperative that the Mayor of Hebron and the Mayor of Halhoul be enabled to return to their home and resume their responsibilities; Further taking note of the resolution adopted by the Board of Governors of the IAEA on 12 June 1981 on the "military attack on the Iraq nuclear research centre and its implications for the Agency" (S/14532), Fully aware of the fact that Iraq has been a party to the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons since it came into force in 1970, that in accordance with that Treaty Iraq has accepted IAEA safeguards on all its nuclear activities, and that the Agency has testified that these safeguards have been satisfactorily applied to date, Noting furthermore that Israel has not adhered to the nonproliferation Treaty, Deeply concerned about the danger to international peace and security created by the premeditated Israeli air attack on Iraqi nuclear installations on 7 June 1981, which could at any time explode the situation in the area, with grave consequences for the vital interests of all States, Considering that, under the terms of Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter of the United Nations: "All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations," 1. Strongly condemns the military attack by Israel in clear violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the norms of international conduct; 2. Calls upon Israel to refrain in the future from any such acts or threats thereof; 3. Further considers that the said attack constitutes a serious threat to the entire IAEA safeguards regime which is the foundation of the nonproliferation Treaty; 4. Fully recognises the inalienable sovereign right of Iraq, and all other States, especially the developing countries, to establish programmes of technological and nuclear development to develop their economy and industry for peaceful purposes in accordance with their present and future needs and consistent with the internationally accepted objectives of preventing nuclearweapons proliferation; 5. Calls upon Israel urgently to place its nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards; 6. Considers that Iraq is entitled to appropriate redress for the destruction it has suffered, responsibility for which has been acknowledged by Israel; 1. Decides that the Israeli decision to impose its laws, jurisdiction and administration in the occupied Syrian Golan Heights is null and void and without international legal effect; 2. Demands that Israel, the occupying Power, should rescind forthwith its decision; 3. Determines that all the provisions of the Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949 continue to apply to the Syrian territory occupied by Israel since June 1967; (i) Calls for strict respect for the territorial integrity, sovereignty and political independence of Lebanon within its internationally recognised boundaries; (ii) Calls upon Israel immediately to cease its military action against Lebanese territorial integrity and withdraw forthwith its forces from all Lebanese territory; (iii) Decides, in the light of the request of the Government of Lebanon, to establish immediately under its authority a United Nations interim force for southern Lebanon for the purpose of confirming the withdrawal of Israeli forces, restoring international peace and security and assisting the Government of Lebanon in ensuring the return of its effective authority in the area, the force to be composed of personnel drawn from Member States; 2. Reaffirms its past resolutions and particularly its repeated calls upon all concerned for the strict respect of Lebanon's political independence, unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity;
Which of these UN Security Council resolutions authorizes the use of military force against Israel? 500 SERIES: 1982-1986 EXCERPTS FROM UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS ALL LINKS GO TO THE JEWISH VIRTUAL LIBRARY. Resolution 501 (February 25, 1982) The Security Council, Taking note of the letters of the Permanent Representatives (S/12600 and S/12606) and the Permanent Representative of Israel (S/12607), Having heard the statement of the Permanent Representatives of Lebanon and Israel, Gravely concerned at the deterioration of the situation in the Middle East, and its consequences to the maintenance of international peace, Convinced that the present situation impedes the achievement of a just peace in the Middle East, 1. Calls for strict respect for the territorial integrity, sovereignty and political independence of Lebanon within its internationally recognized boundaries; 2. Calls upon Israel immediately to cease its military action against Lebanese territorial integrity and withdraw forthwith its forces from all Lebanese territory; 1. Demands that Israel withdraw all its military forces forthwith and unconditionally to the internationally recognized boundaries of Lebanon; Recalling its resolutions 512 (1982) and 513 (1982), 1. Demands that the Government of Israel lift immediately the blocade of the city of Beirut in order to permit the dispatch of supplies to meet the urgent needs of the civilian population and allow the distribution of aid provided by United Nations agencies and by non-governmental organizations, particularly the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC); Deeply shocked and alarmed by the deplorable consequences of the Israeli invasion of Beirut on 3 August 1982, 1. Reconfirms its resolutions 508 (1982), 509 (1982), 512 (1982), 513 (1982), 515 (1982) and 516 (1982); 2. Confirms once again its demand for an immediate cease-fire and withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon; 3. Censures Israel for its failure to comply with the above resolutions; 4. Calls for the prompt return of Israeli troops which have moved forward subsequent to 1325 hours EDT on 1 August 1982; Recalling its resolutions 508 (1982), 509 (1982), 511 (1982), 512 (1982), 513 (1982), 515 (1982), 516 (1982), and 517 (1982), Expressing its most serious concern about continued military activities in Lebanon and, particularly, in and around Beirut, 1. Demands that Israel and all parties to the conflict observe strictly the terms of Security Council resolutions relevant to the immediate cessation of all military activities within Lebanon and, particularly, in and around Beirut; 2. Demands the immediate lifting of all restrictions on the city of Beirut in order to permit the free entry of supplies to meet the urgent needs of the civilian population in Beirut; 3. Requests the United Nations observers in and in the vicinity of Beirut to report on the situation; 4. Demands that Israel co-operate fully in the effort to secure the effective deployment of the United Nations observers, as requested by the Government of Lebanon, and in such a manner as to ensure their safety; Having listened to the statement by the Permanent Representative of Lebanon, Taking note of Lebanon's determination to ensure the withdrawal of all non-Lebanese forces from Lebanon, 1. Reaffirms its resolutions 508 (1982), 509 (1982) and 516 (1982) in all their components; 2. Condemns the recent Israeli incursions into Beirut in violation of the cease-fire agreements and of Security Council resolutions; 3. Demands an immediate return to the positions occupied by Israel before 15 September 1982, as a first step towards the full implementation of Security Council resolution; 4. Calls again for the strict respect for Lebanon's sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and political independence under the sole and exclusive authority of the Lebanese Government through the Lebanese Army throughout Lebanon; 5. Reaffirms its resolutions 512 (1982) and 513 (1982) which call for respect for the rights of the civilian populations without any discrimination and repudiates all acts of violence against those populations; Having noted with concern that the Israeli attack has caused heavy loss of human life and extensive material damage, Considering that, in accordance with Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter of the United Nations, all members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations, Gravely concerned at the threat to peace and security in the Mediterranean region posed by the air raid perpetrated on 1 October 1985 by Israel in the area of Hamman-Plage, situated in the southern suburb of Tunis, Drawing attention to the serious effect which the aggression carried out by Israel and all acts contrary to the Charter cannot but have on any initiative designed to establish an overall, just and lasting peace in the Middle East, Considering that the Israeli Government claimed responsibility for the attack as soon as it had been carried out, 1. Condemns vigorously the act of armed aggression perpetrated by Israel against Tunisian territory in flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations, international law and norms of conduct; 2. Demands that Israel refrain from perpetrating such acts of aggression or from the threat to do so; 3. Urgently requests the States Members of the United Nations to take measures to dissuade Israel from resorting to such acts against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States; 4. Considers that Tunisia has the right to appropriate reparations as a result of the loss of human life and material damage which it has suffered and for which Israel has claimed responsibility; Recalling its resolutions 425 (1978) and 426 (1978), as well as resolutions 511 (1982), 519 (1982) and 523 (1982) and all the resolutions relating to the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, Recalling the mandate entrusted to the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon by resolution 425 (1978) and the guidelines of the Force set forth in the report of the Secretary-General dated 19 March 1978 (S/12611) and approved in resolution 426 (1978), Further recalling its resolutions 508 (1982), 509 (1982) and 520 (1982), as well as all its other resolutions relating to the situation in Lebanon, Solemnly reaffirming that it firmly supports the unity, territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of Lebanon within its internationally recognized boundaries, Deeply grieved over the tragic loss of human life and indignant at the harassment and attacks to which the soldiers of the Force are being subjected, Recalling in this connection the statement made on 5 September by the President of the Council on its behalf (S/18320), Expressing its concern at the new obstacles to the freedom of movement of the Force and at the threats to its security, Noting with regret that the Force, whose mandate has been renewed for the twenty-first time, has so far been prevented from fulfilling the task entrustsed to it, Recalling its resolutions 444 (1979), 450 (1979), 459 (1979), 474 (1980), 483 (1980) and 488 (1981), in which it expressed its determination, in the event of continuing obstruction of the mandate of the Force, to examine practical ways and means to secure full and unconditional implementation of resolution 425 (1978), Emphasizing its conviction that this deterioration of the situation constitutes a challenge to its authority and its resolutions, 1. Condemns in the strongest terms the attacks committed against the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon; 2. Expresses indignation at the support which such criminal action may receive; Seriously concerned about the situation in the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem, Bearing in mind the specific status of Jerusalem, 1. Reaffirms that the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, is applicable to the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem; 2. Strongly deplores the opening of fire by the Israeli army resulting in the death and the wounding of defenceless students; 3. Calls upon Israel to abide immediately and scrupulously by the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949; 4. Further calls upon Israel to release any person or persons detained as a result of the recent events at Bir Zeit University in violation of the above-mentioned Geneva Convention;
Which of these UN Security Council resolutions authorizes the use of military force against Israel? 600 SERIES: 1987-1991 EXCERPTS FROM UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS ALL LINKS GO TO THE JEWISH VIRTUAL LIBRARY. Resolution 605 (December 22, 1987) 1. Strongly deplores those policies and practices of Israel, the occupying Power, which violate the human rights of the Palestinian people in the occupied territories, and in particular the opening of fire by the Israeli army, resulting in the killing and wounding of defenceless Palestinian civilians; 2. Reaffirms that the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, is applicable to the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem; 3. Calls once again upon Israel, the occupying Power, to abide immediately and scrupulously by the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, and to desist forthwith from its policies and practices that are in violation of the provisions of the Convention; Expressing grave concern over the situation in the occupied Palestinian territories, Having been apprised of the decision of Israel, the occupying Power, to "continue the deportation" of Palestinian civilians in the occupied territories, Recalling the Geneva Convention relative to the protection of civilian persons in time of war, of 12 August 1949, and in particular articles 47 and 49 of same, 1. Reaffirms once again that the Geneva Convention relative to the protection of civilian persons in time of war, of 12 August 1949, is applicable to Palestinian and other Arab territories, occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem, 2. Calls upon Israel to refrain from deporting any Palestinian civilians from the occupied territories; 3. Strongly requests Israel, the occupying Power, to abide by its obligation arising from the Convention; 4. Decides to keep the situation in the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem, under review. Expressing its deep regret that Israel, the occupying Power, has, in defiance of that resolution, deported Palestinian civilians, 1. Calls upon Israel to rescind the order to deport Palestinian civilians and to ensure the safe and immediate return to the occupied Palestinian territories of those already deported; 2. Requests that Israel desist forthwith from deporting any other Palestinian civilians from the occupied territories; Having been apprised that Israel, the occupying Power, has once again, in defiance of those resolutions, deported eight Palestinian civilians on 29 June 1989, Expressing grave concern over the situation in the occupied Palestinian territories, Recalling the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, and in particular articles 47 and 49 thereof, 1. Deeply regrets the continuing deportation by Israel, the occupying Power, of Palestinian civilians; 2. Calls upon Israel to ensure the safe and immediate return to the occupied Palestinian territories of those deported and to desist forthwith from deporting any other Palestinian civilians; 3. Reaffirms that the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, is applicable to the Palestinian territories, occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem, and to the other occupied Arab territories; Having been apprised that Israel, the occupying Power, has once again, in defiance of those resolutions, deported five Palestinian civilians on 27 August 1989, Expressing grave concern over the situation in the occupied Palestinian territories; Recalling the Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, and in particular articles 47 and 49 thereof, 1. Deplores the continuing deportation by Israel, the occupying Power, of Palestinian civilians; 2. Calls upon Israel to ensure the safe and immediate return to the occupied Palestinian territories of those deported and to desist forthwith from deporting any other Palestinian civilians; 3. Reaffirms that the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, is applicable to the Palestinian territories, occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem, and to the other occupied Arab territories; Taking into consideration the statement of the Secretary-General relative to the purpose of the mission he is sending to the region and conveyed to the Council by the President on 12 October 1990, 1. Expresses alarm at the violence which took place on 8 October at the Al Haram Al Shareef and other Holy Places of Jerusalem resulting in over twenty Palestinian deaths and to the injury of more than one hundred and fifty people, including Palestinian civilians and innocent worshippers; 2. Condemns especially the acts of violence committed by the Israeli security forces resulting in injuries and loss of human life; 3. Calls upon Israel, the occupying Power, to abide scrupulously by its legal obligations and responsibilities under the Fourth Geneva Convention, which is applicable to all the territories occupied by Israel since 1967; Taking into consideration the statement of the Secretary-General relative to the purpose of the mission he is sending to the region and conveyed to the Council by the President on 12 October 1990, Gravely concerned at the continued deterioration of the situation in the occupied territories, 1. Deplores the refusal of the Israeli Government to receive the mission of the Secretary-General to the region; 2. Urges the Israeli Government to reconsider its decision and insists that it comply fully with resolution 672 (1990) and to permit the mission of the Secretary-General to proceed in keeping with its purpose; Reaffirming also the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war set forth in Security Council resolution 242 (1967), Having received the report of the Secretary-General submitted in accordance with Security Council resolution 672 (1990) of 12 October 1990 on ways and means for ensuring the safety and protection of the Palestinian civilians under Israeli occupation and in particular taking note of paragraphs 20 to 26 thereof (S/21919), Taking note of the interest of the Secretary-General to visit and send his envoy to pursue his initiative with the Israeli authorities, as indicated in paragraph 22 of the report of the Secretary-General (S/21919), and of their recent invitation extended to him, Gravely concerned at the dangerous deterioration of the situation in all the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem, and at the violence and rising tension in Israel, Taking into consideration the statement by the President of the Security Council on 20 December 1990 concerning the method and approach for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Arab-Israeli conflict; Recalling its resolutions 607 (1988), of 5 January 1988, 608 (1988), of 14 January 1988, 636 (1989) of July 1989 and 641 (1989) of 30 August 1989, and alarmed by the decision of the Government of Israel to deport four Palestinians from the occupied territories in contravention of its obligations under the Fourth Geneva Convention, of 1949, 1. Expresses its appreciation to the Secretary-General for his report; 2. Expresses its grave concern over the rejection by Israel of Security Council resolutions 672 (1990) of 12 October 1990 and 673 (1990) of 24 October 1990; 3. Deplores the decision by the Government of Israel, the occupying Power, to resume deportations of Palestinian civilians in the occupied territories; 4. Urges the Government of Israel to accept de jure applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, to all the territories occupied by Israel since 1967, and to abide scrupulously by the provisions of the said Convention; 5. Calls on the high contracting parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 to ensure respect by Israel, the occupying Power, for its obligations under the Convention in accordance with article 1 thereof; Having learned with deep concern and consternation that Israel has, in violation of its obligations under the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, and acting in opposition to relevant Security Council resolutions, and to the detriment of efforts to achieve a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East, deported four Palestinian civilians on 18 May 1991, 1. Declares that the action of the Israeli authorities of deporting four Palestinians on 18 May is in violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, which is applicable to all the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem; 2. Deplores this action and reiterates that Israel, the occupying Power, refrain from deporting any Palestinian civilian from the occupied territories and ensure the save and immediate return of all those deported;
Which of these UN Security Council resolutions authorizes the use of military force against Israel? 700 SERIES: 1992 EXCERPTS FROM UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS ALL LINKS GO TO THE JEWISH VIRTUAL LIBRARY. Resolution 726 (January 6, 1992) Recalling its resolutions 607 (1988), 608 (1988), 636 (1989), 641 (1989) and 694 (1991), Having been apprised of the decision of Israel, the occupying Power, to deport twelve Palestinian civilians from the occupied Palestinian territories, 1. Strongly condemns the decision of Israel, the occupying Power, to resume deportations of Palestinian civilians; 2. Reaffirms the applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949 to all the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem; 3. Requests Israel, the occupying Power, to refrain from deporting any Palestinian civilian from the occupied territories; 4 Also requests Israel, the occupying Power, the ensure the safe and immediate return to the occupied territories of all those deported; Reaffirming its resolutions 607 (1988), 608 (1988), 636 (1989), 641 (1989), 681 (1990), 694 (1991) and 726 (1992), Having learned with deep concern that Israel, the occupying Power, in contravention of its obligations under the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, deported to Lebanon on 17 December 1992, hundreds of Palestinian civilians from the territories occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem, 1. Strongly condemns the action taken by Israel, the occupying Power, to deport hundreds of Palestinian civilians, and expresses its firm opposition to any such deportation by Israel; 2. Reaffirms the applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949 to all the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem, and affirms that deportation of civilians constitutes a contravention of its obligations under the Convention; 3. Reaffirms also the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon; 4. Demands that Israel, the occupying Power, ensure the safe and immediate return to the occupied territories of all those deported;
Israel???
Al-Zarqawi, who was closely tied with al-Qaeda, was in Iraq long before we invaded, and in fact met with al-Qaeda members in Baghdad to fund and plan an attack on the US embassy in Amman using a chemically laced bomb. Al Qaeda members were in the United States plotting. Do you propose we should have bombed the cities they were in? Saddam was Sunni. Al Qaeda is Shiite. They were not allies and they were not friends. A good case can be made that one reason the chemical bomb plot failed was that al-Zarqawi was put on the run by the invasion and therefore couldn't monitor it as closely as he might have. Or perhaps the invasion even led to intelligence that allowed Jordan to intercept the terrorists before they could complete their mission. An even better case can be made that you just make crap up. If the act was "to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations or persons," shouldn't we have attacked Saudi Arabia, or at somebody who had something to do with the attacks of September 11, 2001? No, because unlike Iraq, Saudi Arabia's government condemned the attack, was not on speaking terms with bin Laden (in fact, bin Laden's people were trying to topple the Saudi leadership) and Saudi Arabia after 9/11 made significant efforts to destroy al-Qaeda's operations in their country. Contrast that with Iraq's government which applauded the actions of the terrorists on 9/11, was still in communication with al-Qaeda after 9/11, and instead of rounding up al-Qaeda was allowing al-Qaeda to operate freely in their country. And don't forget, preventing al-Qaeda from getting access to WMD was a major concern following an attack on 9/11 that certainly showed a willingness to cross the WMD threshold and following discovery in Afghanistan of an interest in WMD by al-Qaeda. Iraq had WMD technology ... the Saudi's did not. Like rock 'n' roll, the hits just keep on coming. It was Saudi Arabians who planned the 9/11 operation, funded the 9/11 operation, and executed the 9/11 operation. It was not Iraqis. It is alright for Saudis to attack the twin towers as long as some Saudi government official says "My bad" afterwards. Retaliate against someone who had nothing to do with it because someone on television applauded. As for Al Qaeda being allowed to operate freely in Iraq, that did not occur until the Bush administration assumed responsibility for running the place. Saddam Hussein did a far better job of keeping them out than George Bush. And don't forget, preventing al-Qaeda from getting access to WMD was a major concern As Al Qaeda had no WMD and Iraq had no WMD to give them, and as Iraq and Al Qaeda were enemies and not friends, the only WMD in question were the imaginary ones that Bush and his administration lied about in order to gain public support for a war. Even GWB has given up on that pantsload. Iraq had WMD technology Israel had WMD technology, and WMD, including nuclear weapons. Resolution 487 (June 19, 1981) Further taking note of the resolution adopted by the Board of Governors of the IAEA on 12 June 1981 on the "military attack on the Iraq nuclear research centre and its implications for the Agency" (S/14532), Fully aware of the fact that Iraq has been a party to the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons since it came into force in 1970, that in accordance with that Treaty Iraq has accepted IAEA safeguards on all its nuclear activities, and that the Agency has testified that these safeguards have been satisfactorily applied to date, Noting furthermore that Israel has not adhered to the nonproliferation Treaty, Deeply concerned about the danger to international peace and security created by the premeditated Israeli air attack on Iraqi nuclear installations on 7 June 1981, which could at any time explode the situation in the area, with grave consequences for the vital interests of all States, Considering that, under the terms of Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter of the United Nations: "All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations," 1. Strongly condemns the military attack by Israel in clear violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the norms of international conduct; 2. Calls upon Israel to refrain in the future from any such acts or threats thereof; 3. Further considers that the said attack constitutes a serious threat to the entire IAEA safeguards regime which is the foundation of the nonproliferation Treaty; 4. Fully recognises the inalienable sovereign right of Iraq, and all other States, especially the developing countries, to establish programmes of technological and nuclear development to develop their economy and industry for peaceful purposes in accordance with their present and future needs and consistent with the internationally accepted objectives of preventing nuclear weapons proliferation; 5. Calls upon Israel urgently to place its nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards; 6. Considers that Iraq is entitled to appropriate redress for the destruction it has suffered, responsibility for which has been acknowledged by Israel;
Yes, ALL those UN Security Council resolutions pertain to Israel. Using your standards, it would seem that anyone in the world who chooses to do so can assert the right to drop bombs on Israel and effect regime change. Do UN resolutions only apply to Iraq and only authorize GWB to drop bombs on people?
After 9/11? Any specific proof of this? No? But it was not the Saudi Arabian government. And the planning of the operation didn't apparently take place in Saudi Arabia. Indeed the person funding the effort was not welcome in the country at the time and was calling for the toppling of the Saudi government. You have provided no proof that the Saudi government or anyone in the Saudi Government was involved in 9/11. FALSE. The dozen al-Qaeda put on trial and convicted in Jordan said they met al-Zarqawi in Baghdad BEFORE the invasion. There is no indication at all that al-Qaeda's movements in Iraq were restricted under Saddam. Indeed, it appears that al-Qaeda freely moved about and even used Iraqi hospitals. And one time, one was detained and then released on orders (according to the CIA and a captured Iraqi document) of Saddam. Good thing but they were definitely trying to acquire WMD. Still are, I imagine. FALSE. That binary sarin shell that turned up as an IED after the invasion proves you wrong. And there were hundreds of other shells of various types found containing materials we wouldn't want terrorists to get their hands on. Plus, you really don't know if Iraq had WMD. The ISG said they have a credible source saying WMD related items (possibly WMD) were moved to Iraq. And Saddam's regime went to a lot of trouble to sanitize files, computers and facilities of something you claim they didn't have. Plus, Iraq definitely had information and seed stock that al-Qaeda might find useful in creating WMD themselves (in a place like that camp in Northern Iraq, for instance). Odd that al-Zarqawi would pick Baghdad (seat of government of his enemy and a city filled with security types from Saddam's regime) to meet with the terrorists he was dispatching to kill tens of thousands in Jordan. Odd that al-Zarqawi would go to a Baghdad hospital to get treatment. Odd that Iraq openly applauded the actions of their enemy. Odd that Iraq had friendly contacts with the Taliban after 9/11 to warn them about a possible US attack to get bin Laden. And what is it with you and Israel?
But you can't give him any dates here because that would blow your bullshit out of the water. As you recall, this alleged incident took place in April of 2004. Also recall that these people were torured at a time when the Bush bullshit was just starting to fall apart. And surprise! Under torture these guys provided the Bush admin with the ammo it needed to keep the Defense Department report buried until last week.
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Recall that you are quoting NewsMax here. All the repectable publications noted that your single rusty shell was left over from a time before the first Gulf war. The time when Rumsfeld was supplying Saddam with the precursor chemicals Saddam needed for his WMD.
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That binary sarin shell that turned up as an IED after the invasion proves you wrong. And there were hundreds of other shells of various types found containing materials we wouldn't want terrorists to get their hands on. Hey kook bunny, if any of this SHIT is true, why doesn't Bush go on national TV tonight and save his Presidency with it? Why didn't Cheney rattle it off when he was on Rush last Thursday trying to fool you and the other mindless goobers about the Defense Depeartment report that contradicts you on the Saddam / Al Qaeda link? Surly you have some nutty conspiracy theory to explain this. A person like you, who can concoct the sort of nuttery you concoct about Ron Brown, should have no trouble coming up with a wild conspiracy theory to explain this. Let's hear it kook.
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YOU have invoked UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS to justify GWB bombing Iraq and effecting regime change. I have showed you dozens and dozens of UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS and asked you if they would authorize an attack on Israel. Do UN resolutions apply equally to all, and grant the right to bomb anyone declared a transgressor, or is this discovery of yours unique to GWB and Iraq? If you prefer to use another country as an example, if you would identify such nation that has been condemned by the UN as many times as Israel, I will be happy to post those resolutions. WHY are you unable to answer the question?
No, it just shows that you are still pimping a discredited issue. https://www.cia.gov/cia/reports/iraq_wmd_2004/chap5.html Iraq’s Chemical Warfare Program Key Findings Saddam never abandoned his intentions to resume a CW effort when sanctions were lifted and conditions were judged favorable: * Saddam and many Iraqis regarded CW as a proven weapon against an enemy’s superior numerical strength, a weapon that had saved the nation at least once already-during the Iran-Iraq war-and contributed to deterring the Coalition in 1991 from advancing to Baghdad. While a small number of old, abandoned chemical munitions have been discovered, ISG judges that Iraq unilaterally destroyed its undeclared chemical weapons stockpile in 1991. There are no credible indications that Baghdad resumed production of chemical munitions thereafter, a policy ISG attributes to Baghdad’s desire to see sanctions lifted, or rendered ineffectual, or its fear of force against it should WMD be discovered. * * * Disposition of CW Munitions Post-1991 ISG expended considerable time and effort investigating longstanding Iraqi assertions about the fate of CW munitions known to have been in Baghdad’s possession during the Gulf war. We believe the vast majority of these munitions were destroyed, but questions remain concerning hundreds of CW munitions. Since May 2004, ISG has recovered dozens of additional chemical munitions, including artillery rounds, rockets and a binary Sarin artillery projectile (see Figure 5). In each case, the recovered munitions appear to have been part of the pre-1991 Gulf war stocks, but we can neither determine if the munitions were declared to the UN or if, as required by the UN SCR 687, Iraq attempted to destroy them. (See Annex F.) * The most significant recovered munitions was a 152mm binary Sarin artillery projectile which insurgents had attempted to use as an improvised explosive device. * ISG has also recovered 155mm chemical rounds and 122mm artillery rockets which we judge came from abandoned Regime stocks.
Odd that Jonathan Pollard spied for Saddam Hussein. Or was it Al Qaeda? Oh darn, which of our enemies was he spying for again?
What is it with you and those prototype shells from the 1980's. They were so old and degraded they were about as potent as camel dung or BAC manure. 16 May 2004: 152mm Binary Chemical Improvised Explosive Device A military unit near Baghdad Airport reported a suspect IED along the main road between the airport and the Green Zone (see figure 2). The munitions were remotely detonated and the remaining liquid tested positive in ISG field labs for the nerve agent Sarin and a key Sarin degradation product. The partially detonated IED was an old prototype binary nerve agent munitions of the type Iraq declared it had field tested in the late 1980s. The munitions bear no markings, much like the sulfur mustard round reported on 2 May (see Figure 3). Insurgents may have looted or purchased the rounds believing they were conventional high explosive 155mm rounds. The use of this type of round as an IED does not allow sufficient time for mixing of the binary compounds and release in an effective manner, thus limiting the dispersal area of the chemicals.
BAC, tell me about the rabbits... then tell me about the magic vintage sarin. "The Gulf War Air Campaign - Possible Chemical Warfare Agent Release at Al Muthanna, February 8, 1991", 19 March 2001; at: http://www.gulflink.osd.mil/al_muth/al_muth_s02.htm The taskforce of the Department of Defense attributed the high level of Iraqi cooperation in revealing the scale of its earlier chemical programme to the fact that the Iraqi government realised that the nerve agents it had produced were no longer viable: "We believe Iraq was largely cooperative on its latest declarations because many of its residual munitions were of little use - other than bolstering the credibility of Iraq's declaration - because of chemical agent degradation and leakage problems." "Chemical Warfare Agent Issues During the Persian Gulf War", Persian Gulf War Illnesses Task Force, April 2002; at: http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/gulfwar/cwagents/cwpaper1.htm A similar assessment was made by the CIA in a memorandum from January 1991: "Iraq is not able to make good-quality chemical agents. Technical failures have reduced their purity and caused problems in storage and handling. This is a particular problem for the sarin- type nerve agents (GB and GF). These both contain hydrofluoricacid (HF), an impurity that attacks metal surfaces and catalyzes nerve agent decomposition. This leads to metal failure and leaks in the ammunition, increasing handling hazards. [...] Lower purity significantly limits shelf life and reduces toxic effects when the munition is employed. [...] The nerve agent should have already begun to deteriorate, and decomposition should make most of the nerve agent weapons unserviceable by the end of March 1991." "Iraq: Potential for Chemical Weapon Use", 25 January 1991; at: http://www.fas.org/irp/gulf/cia/970825/970613_dim37_91d_txt_0001.html This assessment is repeated in the IISS strategic dossier of 9 September 2002: "As a practical matter, any nerve agent from this period [pre-1991] would have deteriorated by now.." (p.51) UNMOVIC have also acknowledged this conclusion with regard to specific substances: Tabun: "documentary evidence suggests that Tabun was produced using process technology and quality control methodologies that would result in the agent being degraded to a very low quality through the action of a resulting by-product." ("Unresolved Disarmament Issues", 6 March 2003, p.68). Sarin / Cyclosarin: "According to documents discovered by UNSCOM in Iraq, the purity of Sarin-type agents produced by Iraq were on average below 60%, and dropped below Iraq’s established quality control acceptance level of 40% by purity some 3 to 12 months after production. [...] There is no evidence that any bulk Sarin-type agents remain in Iraq - gaps in accounting of these agents are related to Sarin-type agents weaponized in rocket warheads and aerial bombs. Based on the documentation found by UNSCOM during inspections in Iraq, Sarin-type agents produced by Iraq were largely of low quality and as such, degraded shortly after production. Therefore, with respect to the unaccounted for weaponized Sarin-type agents, it is unlikely that they would still be viable today." ("Unresolved Disarmament Issues", 6 March 2003, pp.72-73).
Considering your neutral viewpoint, do you condemn Jonathan Pollard as a traitor to the United States? As that nation he spied for refused to return the documents and refused to allow U.S. intelligence to debrief the agents who ran Pollard, should we continue to give them $Billions annually? Where does a neutral person, such as yourself, stand on the issue? "It is difficult for me... to conceive of a greater harm to national security than that caused by the defendant in view of the breadth, the critical importance of the United States and the high sensitivity of the information he sold to Israel... I respectfully submit that any U.S. citizen, and in particular a trusted government official, who sells U.S. secrets to any foreign nation should not be punished merely as a common criminal. Rather the punishment imposed should reflect the perfidy of the individual actions, the magnitude of the trason committed, and the needs of national security." "I feel my husband and I did what we were expected to do, what our moral obligation was as Jews, what our moral obligation was as human beings. I have no regrets about that." "With remarkable chutzpah, Israel, which receives up to $5 billion in U.S. aid annually, refuses to return documents stolen by Pollard, or allow U.S. intelligence to debrief Mossad agents who ran Pollard in order to learn the full extent of the disaster."
I suggest folks visit the following thread to see ... and his argument blown out of the water. http://freedom4um.com/cgi-bin/readart.cgi?ArtNum=49616&Disp=37#C37
Got your ass kicked on the other thread and ran over there to hide?
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What is it with you and Newsmax, ...? You didn't like the way they treated Clinton? ROTFLOL! And for the record, you are once again wrong. This didn't come from Newsmax. It came from the ISG report. http://www.cia.gov/cia/reports/iraq_wmd_2004/chap5_annxF.html "The most interesting discovery has been a 152mm binary Sarin artillery projectile—containing a 40 percent concentration of Sarin—which insurgents attempted to use as an Improvised Explosive Device (IED). The existence of this binary weapon not only raises questions about the number of viable chemical weapons remaining in Iraq and raises the possibility that a larger number of binary, long-lasting chemical weapons still exist." I haven't seen anyone around here more interested than you in discrediting themselves.
I am really amazed at your scumball tactics. You lose the argument on one thread and you come over here and try to restart the argument in exactly the same way. Are you assuming that people might not read the first thread? You are a real piece of work.
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http://www.cia.gov/cia/reports/iraq_wmd_2004/chap5_annxF.html "The most interesting discovery has been a 152mm binary Sarin artillery projectile—containing a 40 percent concentration of Sarin—which insurgents attempted to use as an Improvised Explosive Device (IED). The existence of this binary weapon not only raises questions about the number of viable chemical weapons remaining in Iraq and raises the possibility that a larger number of binary, long-lasting chemical weapons still exist." I haven't seen anyone around here more interested than you in discrediting themselves. Chooser, you are a really pathetic bald faced liar. For the second time tonight you posted a dead link when you got backed into a corner by the facts. THE LINK YOU POSTED ABOVE IS A DEAD LINK! THAT IS TWICE IN TWO HOURS YOU POSTED A FAKE DEAD LINK TO ALLEGEDLY BACK UP YOUR DISHONEST SHIT. IT ISN'T AN ACCIDENT CHOOSER.
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Feith and Ledeens gay campers?
"People like truth, it gives us a fucking benchmark." - dakmar
Let me remind everyone that Chooser used his fake link tactic on another thread about an hour ago. He made grandiose claims, got called on it and then posted a dead link to "prove" his point. I suggest everyone check his links prior to accepting any of his shit at face value. This makes the third time that I know of where he has been busted for this. Seems to be part of his bag of tricks along with insults, changing the subject and ignoring questions.
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I suggest everyone check his links prior to accepting any of his shit at face value. This makes the third time that I know of where he has been busted for this. Seems to be part of his bag of tricks along with insults, changing the subject and ignoring questions. ...and spamming threads with repetitious long posts containing lies that have already been refuted numerous times on other threads.
"The line separating good and evil passes not through states, nor between classes nor between parties either — but right through the human heart." — Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn
http://freedom4um.com/cgi-bin/readart.cgi?ArtNum=49616&Disp=37#C37 I suggest folks visit the following LP thread to see ... BAC having his ass handed to him. http://www.libertypost.org/cgi-bin/readart.cgi?ArtNum=164186&Disp=All LP THREAD: April Glaspie Transcript http://www.libertypost.org/cgi-bin/readart.cgi?ArtNum=164186&Disp=All#C473 nolu chan posted on 2006-12-08 01:25:45 ET [EXCERPT FROM nolu_chan #473 to BAC] Postwar Findings about Iraq's WMD Programs and Links to Terrorism and How they Compare with Prewar Assessments http://intelligence.senate.gov/phaseiiaccuracy.pdf [the report excerpted below] The Use by the Intelligence Community of Information Provided by the Iraqi National Congress http://intelligence.senate.gov/phaseiiinc.pdf 2006 Senate Report of Pre-War Intelligence In September 2006, the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence released two reports constituting Phase II of its study of pre-war intelligence claims regarding Iraq's pursuit of WMD and alleged links to al-Qaeda. These bipartisan reports included "Findings about Iraq's WMD Programs and Links to Terrorism and How they Compare with Prewar Assessments"[95] and "The Use by the Intelligence Community of Information Provided by the Iraqi National Congress".[96] The reports concluded that, according to David Stout of the New York Times, "there is no evidence that Saddam Hussein had prewar ties to Al Qaeda and one of the terror organization’s most notorious members, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi."[97] The "Postwar Findings" volume of the study concluded that there was no evidence of any Iraqi support of al-Qaeda, al-Zarqawi, or Ansar al-Islam. The "Iraqi National Congress" volume concluded that "false information" from INC-affiliated sources was used to justify key claims in the prewar intelligence debate and that this information was "widely distributed in intelligence products" prior to the war. It also concluded that the INC "attempted to influence US policy on Iraq by providing false information through defectors directed at convincing the United States that Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction and had links to terrorists." The Senate report noted that in October 2002, "the DIA cautioned that the INC was penetrated by hostile intelligence services and would use the relationship to promote its own agenda." Senator John Rockefeller, the Committee's ranking Democrat, noted that "Today's reports show that the administration's repeated allegations of a past, present and future relationship between al Qaeda and Iraq were wrong and intended to exploit the deep sense of insecurity among Americans in the immediate aftermath of the September 11th attacks."[98] But the head Republican on the Committee, Senator Pat Roberts, charged, "The additional views of the Committee's Democrats are little more than a rehashing of the same unfounded allegations they've used for over three years." The "Postwar Findings" report had the following conclusions about Saddam's alleged links to al-Qaeda: Conclusion 1: The CIA's assessment that Iraq and al-Qaeda were "two independent actors trying to exploit each other" was accurate only about al-Qaeda. "Postwar findings indicate that Saddam Hussein was distrustful of al-Qa'ida and viewed Islamic extremists as a threat to his regime, refusing all requests from al-Qa'ida to provide material or operational support." Conclusion 2: Postwar findings have indicated that there was only one meeting between representatives of Saddam Hussein and representatives of al-Qaeda. These findings also identified two occasions "not reported prior to the war, in which Saddam Hussein rebuffed meeting requests from an al-Qa'ida operative. The Intelligence Community has not found any other evidence of meetings between al-Qa'ida and Iraq." Conclusion 3: "Prewar Intelligence Community assessments were inconsistent regarding the likelihood that Saddam Hussein provided chemical and biological weapons (CBW) training to al-Qa'ida. Postwar findings support the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) February 2002 assessment that Ibn al-Shaykh al-Libi was likely intentionally misleading his debriefers when he said that Iraq provided two al-Qa'ida associates with chemical and biological weapons (CBW) training in 2000.... No postwar information has been found that indicates CBW training occurred and the detainee who provided the key prewar reporting about this training recanted his claims after the war." Conclusion 4: "Postwar findings support the April 2002 Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) assessment that there was no credible reporting on al-Qa'ida training at Salman Pak or anywhere else in Iraq. There have been no credible reports since the war that Iraq trained al-Qa'ida operatives at Salman Pak to conduct or support transnational terrorist operations." Conclusion 5: Postwar findings support the assessment that Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and associates were present in Baghdad from May-November 2002. "Prewar assessments expressed uncertainty about Iraq's complicity in their presence, but overestimated the Iraqi regime's capabilities to locate them. Postwar information indicates that Saddam Hussein attempted, unsuccessfully, to locate and capture al-Zarqawi and that the regime did not have a relationship with, harbor, or turn a blind eye toward Zarqawi." Conclusion 6: Prewar interactions between Saddam Hussein's government and al-Qaeda affiliate group Ansar al-Islam were attempts by Saddam to spy on the group rather than to support or work with them. "Postwar information reveals that Baghdad viewed Ansar al-Islam as a threat to the regime and that the IIS attempted to collect intelligence on the group." Conclusion 7: "Postwar information supports prewar Intelligence Community assessments that there was no credible information that Iraq was complicit in or had foreknowledge of the September 11 attacks or any other al-Qa'ida strike..... Postwar findings support CIA's January 2003 assessment, which judged that 'the most reliable reporting casts doubt' on one of the leads, an alleged meeting between Muhammad Atta and an Iraqi intelligence officer in Prague, and confirm that no such meeting occurred. Prewar intelligence reporting cast doubt on the other lead as well." Conclusion 8: "No postwar information indicates that Iraq intended to use al-Qa'ida or any other terrorist group to strike the United States homeland before or during Operation Iraqi Freedom." Conclusion 9: "additional reviews of documents recovered in Iraq are unlikely to provide information that would contradict the Committee's findings or conclusions. The Committee believes that the results of detainee debriefs largely comport with documentary evidence, but the Committee cannot definitively judge the accuracy of statements made by individuals in custody and cannot, in every case, confirm that the detainee statements are truthful and accurate."
Being old doesn't mean the munitions aren't still deadly and of great interest to would be terrorists. That binary sarin shell was still viable. That's according to the ISG. It contained as much sarin as used in the Tokyo attack, an attack that experts said afterwords could have killed thousands had the cult properly dispersed the agent rather than simply poke holes in bags of it (and *pray*). The many mustard gas shells are also still highly deadly. The UN inspectors confirmed this. The fact that these munitions were part of pre-1991 stocks doesn't make them less potent or deadly. Furthermore, you are simply ignoring the part of the ISG report where they said they have a credible source who told them WMD related materials were moved to Syria before the war. And you are ignoring the question of why Iraq would go to so much trouble to sanitize files, computers and facilities related to WMD if they had no WMD, no WMD programs and no plan to fully reconstitute their WMD arsenal once sanctions were removed.
Bookmark the instance above. If Chooser tries the same thing next week, and he will, he will simply lie if you call him on it. He will ask you for the link to the last instance or otherwise imply that you are simply making the story up and have no proof. Hit him in the face with the link above.
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That is completely false. The ISG said the binary sarin shell had 4 to 5 liters of 40 percent Sarin. That's the same quantity and potency as the sarin used in the Tokyo sarin attack which killed about a dozen and injured thousands. And experts after the fact said Japan was lucky. Had the cultists properly dispersed that sarin rather than just poke holes in baggies full of it, they might have killed THOUSANDS. Even as many as died on 9/11.
Doesn't it pretty much destroy your case that Saddam was actively developing WMDs? Don't bother to answer, you moronic truthiopath.
"People like truth, it gives us a fucking benchmark." - dakmar
And you can prove it as long as nobody clicks your bullshit dead link. Huh?
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So what's the deal with you posting the bullshit dead links and then pretending that it simply didn't happen? Do you think we won't notice what a dishonest and manipulative sack of shit you are?
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Do you realize that nothing you posted pertains to BINARY sarin? You do know what that is, don't you? Or perhaps you don't. You see, binary sarin has an INDEFINITE shelf life.
Chooser, you dishonest sack of shit. You DELIBERATELY posted a bullshit dead link with the specific intent of fooling people on this forum. You are now acting like it didn't happen. What gives?
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Actually, I came to this thread when I'd gotten to the point on the other thread where mine was the last post. Check the time of the posts if you don't believe me. And sometime I'll get around to returning to the other thread to blow you out of the water again. But I'm curious. Did you ever get your browser to work? ROTFLOL!
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Top • Page Up • Full Thread • Page Down • Bottom/LatestBy the way, did you know that the law passed by Congress authorizing the use of military force in Iraq even mentioned the word WAR?
Link
Let's review.
If the act was "to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations or persons," shouldn't we have attacked Saudi Arabia, or at somebody who had something to do with the attacks of September 11, 2001?
#75. To: nolu_chan, ALL (#73)
You forgot to include the excerpt that authorized GWB to take military action at his discretion.
#76. To: nolu_chan, ALL (#74)
harbor organizations or persons who did the above?
If the act was "to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations or persons," shouldn't we have attacked Saudi Arabia, or at somebody who had something to do with the attacks of September 11, 2001?
#77. To: BeAChooser (#75)
I suppose you think that the UN thought "serious consequences" meant more diplomacy ... with a quarter million US soldiers mobilizing on Iraq's borders and with the US Congress having already passed a bill authorizing the use of military force. ROTFLOL!
1. Condemns this attack as a violation of the cease-fire provisions of Security Council resolution 54 (1948) and as inconsistent with the obligations of the parties under the General Armistice Agreement between Egypt and Israel 2/ and under the United Nations Charter;
Resolution 111 (January 19, 1956)2. Reminds the Government of Israel that the Council has already condemned military action in breach of the General Armistice Agreements, whether or not undertaken by way of retaliation, and has called upon Israel to take effective measures to prevent such actions;
Resolution 127 (January 22, 1958)In order to create an atmosphere which would be more conducive to fruitful discussion, activities in the zone, such as those initiated by Israelis on 21 July 1957, should be suspended until such time as the survey has been completed and provisions made for the regulation of activities in the zone;
Resolution 162 (April 11, 1961)1. Endorses the decision of the Mixed Armistice Commission of 20 March 1961;
Resolution 171 (April 9, 1962)2. Reaffirms its resolution 111 (1956) of 19 January 1956 which condemned Israel military action in breach of the General Armistice Agreement, whether or not undertaken by way of retaliation;
#78. To: BeAChooser (#75)
I suppose you think that the UN thought "serious consequences" meant more diplomacy ... with a quarter million US soldiers mobilizing on Iraq's borders and with the US Congress having already passed a bill authorizing the use of military force. ROTFLOL!
Reaffirming the necessity for strict adherence to the General Armistice Agreement,
Resolution 237 (June 14, 1967)Considering that all the obligations of the Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War of 12 August 1949 /5 should be complied with by the parties involved in the conflict,
Resolution 242 (November 22, 1967)Emphasizing the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war and the need to work for a just and lasting peace in which every State in the area can live in security,
Resolution 248 (March 24, 1968)Recalling resolution 236 (1967) by which the Security Council condemned any and all violations of the cease-fire,
Resolution 250 (April 27, 1968)Having considered the Secretary-General's note (S/8561),1/ particularly his note to the Permanent Representative of Israel to the United Nations,
Resolution 251 (May 2, 1968)Recalling resolution 250 (1968) of 27 April 1968,
Resolution 252 (May 21, 1968)Recalling General Assembly resolutions 2253 (ES-V) of 4 July 1967 and 2254 (ES-V) of 14 July 1967,
Resolution 256 (August 16, 1968)Observing that both massive air attacks by Israel on Jordanian territory were of a large scale and carefully planned nature in violation of resolution 248 (1968),
Resolution 259 (September 27, 1968)Deploring the delay in the implementation of resolution 237 (1967) because of the conditions still being set by Israel for receiving a Special Representative of the Secretary-General,
Resolution 262 (December 31, 1968)Observing that the military action by the armed forces of Israel against the civil International Airport of Beirut was premeditated and of a large scale and carefully planned nature,
Resolution 265 (April 1, 1969)Observing that numerous premeditated violations of the cease-fire have occurred,
Resolution 267 (July 3, 1969)1. Reaffirms its resolution 252 (1968);
Resolution 270 (August 26, 1969)Recalling its resolution 262 (1968) of 31 December 1968,
Resolution 271 (September 15, 1969)3. Determines that the execrable act of desecration and profanation of the Holy Al-Aqsa Mosque emphasizes the immediate necessity of Israel's desisting from acting in violation of the aforesaid resolutions and rescinding forthwith all measures and actions taken by it designed to alter the status of Jerusalem;
Resolution 279 (May 12, 1970)The Security Council,
Resolution 280 (May 19, 1970)Recalling its resolutions 262 (1968) of 31 December 1968 and 270 (1969) of 26 August 1969,
Resolution 285 (September 5, 1970)The Security Council,
Resolution 298 (September 25, 1971)1. Reaffirms its resolutions 252 (1968) and 267 (1969);
#79. To: BeAChooser (#75)
I suppose you think that the UN thought "serious consequences" meant more diplomacy ... with a quarter million US soldiers mobilizing on Iraq's borders and with the US Congress having already passed a bill authorizing the use of military force. ROTFLOL!
The Security Council,
Resolution 316 (June 26, 1972)Deploring the tragic loss of life resulting from all acts of violence and retaliation,
Resolution 317 (July 21, 1972)1. Reaffirms resolution 316 (1972) adopted by the Security Council on 26 June 1972;
Resolution 332 (April 21, 1973)Grieved at the tragic loss of civilian life,
Resolution 337 (August 15, 1973)Having heard the statement of the representative of Lebanon concerning the violation of Lebanon's sovereignty and territorial integrity and the hijacking, by the Israeli air force, of a Lebanese civilian airliner on lease to Iraqi Airways, 1/
Resolution 338 (October 22, 1973)The Security Council
Resolution 339 (October 23, 1973)The Security Council,
Resolution 347 (April 24, 1974)Recalling its previous relevant resolutions,
Resolution 350 (May 31, 1974)1. Welcomes the Agreement on Disengagement between Israeli and Syrian Forces, negotiated in implementation of Security Council resolution 338 (1973) of 22 October 1973;
#80. To: BeAChooser (#75)
I suppose you think that the UN thought "serious consequences" meant more diplomacy ... with a quarter million US soldiers mobilizing on Iraq's borders and with the US Congress having already passed a bill authorizing the use of military force. ROTFLOL!
Calls upon Israel immediately to cease its military action against Lebanese territorial integrity and withdraw forthwith its forces from all Lebanese territory;
Resolution 427 (May 3, 1978)Recalling its resolutions 425 (1978) and 426 (1978) of 19 March 1978,
Resolution 444 (January 19, 1979)Expressing concern over the grave situation in southern Lebanon resulting from obstacles placed against the full implementation of resolutions 425 (1978) and 426 (1978) of 19 March 1978,
Resolution 446 (March 22, 1979)Affirming once more that the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949 1/ is applicable to the Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem,
Resolution 450 (June 14, 1979)Reaffirming its call for the strict respect for the territorial integrity, unity, sovereignty and political independence of Lebanon within its internationally recognized boundaries,
Resolution 452 (July 20, 1979)The Security Council,
Resolution 465 (March 1, 1980)Strongly deploring the refusal by Israel to co-operate with the Commission and regretting its formal rejection of resolutions 446 (1979) and 452 (1979),
Resolution 467 (April 24, 1980)1. Reaffirms its determination to implement the above-mentioned resolutions, particularly resolutions 425 (1978), 426 (1978) and 459 (1979), in the totality of the area of operations assigned to UNIFIL, up to the internationally recognized boundaries;
Resolution 468 (May 8, 1980)The Security Council,
Resolution 469 (May 20, 1980)Recalling the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 and in particular article 1, which reads "The High Contracting Parties undertake to respect and to ensure respect for the present Convention in all circumstances," and article 49, which reads "Individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as deportations of protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of the occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not, are prohibited, regardless of their motive;",
Resolution 471 (June 5, 1980)Reaffirming the applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War (1949) to the Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem,
Resolution 476 (June 30, 1980)Reaffirming that acquisition of territory by force is inadmissable,
Resolution 478 (August 20, 1980)The Security Council,
Resolution 484 (December 19, 1980)The Security Council,
Resolution 487 (June 19, 1981)Taking note of the statement made by the DirectorGeneral of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to the Agency's Board of Governors on the subject on 9 June 1981 and his statement to the Council at its 2288th meeting on 19 June 1981,
Resolution 497 (December 17, 1981)Reaffirming that the acquisition of territory by force is inadmissible, in accordance with the United Nations Charter, the principles of international law, and relevant Security Council resolutions,
Resolution 498 (December 21, 1981)1. Reaffirms its resolution 425 (1978) in which it
#81. To: BeAChooser (#75)
I suppose you think that the UN thought "serious consequences" meant more diplomacy ... with a quarter million US soldiers mobilizing on Iraq's borders and with the US Congress having already passed a bill authorizing the use of military force. ROTFLOL!
1. Reaffirms its resolution 425 (1978) which reads:
Resolution 509 (June 6, 1982)Reaffirming the need for strict respect for the territorial integrity, sovereignty and political independence of Lebanon within its internationally recognized boundaries,
Resolution 515 (July 29, 1982)Referring to the humanitarian principles of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and to the obligations arising from the regulations annexed to the Hague Convention of 1907,
Resolution 517 (August 4, 1982)The Security Council,
Resolution 518 (August 12, 1982)The Security Council,
Resolution 520 (September 17, 1982)Condemning the murder of Bashir Gemayel, Lebanon's constitutionally selected President-elect, and every effort to disrupt by violence the restoration of a strong, stable government in Lebanon,
Resolution 573 (October 4, 1985)Having heard the statement by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Tunisia,
Resolution 587 (September 23, 1986)The Security Council,
Resolution 592 (December 8, 1986)Recalling the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949,
#82. To: BeAChooser (#75)
I suppose you think that the UN thought "serious consequences" meant more diplomacy ... with a quarter million US soldiers mobilizing on Iraq's borders and with the US Congress having already passed a bill authorizing the use of military force. ROTFLOL!
Considering that the current policies and practices of Israel, the occupying Power, in the occupied territories are bound to have grave consequences for the endeavours to achieve comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East,
Resolution 607 (January 5, 1988)Recalling its resolution 605 (1987) of 22 December 1987,
Resolution 608 (January 14, 1988)Reaffirming its resolution 607 (1988) of 5 January 1988,
Resolution 636 (July 6, 1989)Reaffirming its resolutions 607 (1988) of 5 January 1988 and 608 (1988) of 14 January 1988,
Resolution 641 (August 30, 1989)Reaffirming its resolutions 607 (1988) of 5 January 1988, 608 (1988) of 14 January 1988 and 636 (1989) of 6 July 1989,
Resolution 672 (October 12, 1990)Reaffirming that a just and lasting solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict must be based on its resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) through an active negotiating process which takes into account the right to security for all States in the region, including Israel, as well as the legitimate political rights of the Palestinian people,
Resolution 673 (October 24, 1990)Expressing alarm at the rejection of Security Council resolution 672 (1990) by the Israeli Government, and its refusal to accept the mission of the Secretary-General,
Resolution 681 (December 20, 1990)Reaffirming the obligations of Member States under the United Nations Charter,
Resolution 694 (May 24, 1991)Reaffirming its resolution 681 (1990),
#83. To: BeAChooser (#75)
I suppose you think that the UN thought "serious consequences" meant more diplomacy ... with a quarter million US soldiers mobilizing on Iraq's borders and with the US Congress having already passed a bill authorizing the use of military force. ROTFLOL!
Recalling the obligations of Member States under the United Nations Charter,
Resolution 799 (December 18, 1992)Recalling the obligations of Member States under the United Nations Charter,
#84. To: nolu_chan, ALL (#77)
Which of these UN Security Council resolutions authorize the use of military force against Israel?
#85. To: BeAChooser (#76)
Taking note of the statement made by the DirectorGeneral of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to the Agency's Board of Governors on the subject on 9 June 1981 and his statement to the Council at its 2288th meeting on 19 June 1981,
#86. To: BeAChooser (#84)
Israel???
#87. To: nolu_chan, ALL (#85)
Al Qaeda members were in the United States plotting.
It was Saudi Arabians who planned the 9/11 operation, funded the 9/11 operation, and executed the 9/11 operation.
It is alright for Saudis to attack the twin towers as long as some Saudi government official says "My bad" afterwards.
As for Al Qaeda being allowed to operate freely in Iraq, that did not occur until the Bush administration assumed responsibility for running the place.
As Al Qaeda had no WMD
and Iraq had no WMD to give them
Iraq and Al Qaeda were enemies
#88. To: BeAChooser (#87)
The dozen al-Qaeda put on trial and convicted in Jordan said they met al-Zarqawi in Baghdad BEFORE the invasion.
#89. To: BeAChooser (#87)
That binary sarin shell that turned up as an IED after the invasion proves you wrong. And there were hundreds of other shells of various types found containing materials we wouldn't want terrorists to get their hands on.
#90. To: BeAChooser (#87)
The dozen al-Qaeda put on trial and convicted in Jordan said they met al-Zarqawi in Baghdad BEFORE the invasion.
#91. To: BeAChooser (#87)
And what is it with you and Israel?
#92. To: BeAChooser (#87)
That binary sarin shell that turned up as an IED after the invasion proves you wrong.
#93. To: BeAChooser (#87)
Odd that al-Zarqawi would pick Baghdad (seat of government of his enemy and a city filled with security types from Saddam's regime) to meet with the terrorists he was dispatching to kill tens of thousands in Jordan. Odd that al-Zarqawi would go to a Baghdad hospital to get treatment. Odd that Iraq openly applauded the actions of their enemy. Odd that Iraq had friendly contacts with the Taliban after 9/11 to warn them about a possible US attack to get bin Laden.
#94. To: BeAChooser (#87)
#95. To: BeAChooser (#87)
That binary sarin shell
#96. To: BeAChooser (#87)
And what is it with you and Israel?
-- Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger
-- Anne Henderson-Pollard quoted by Assistant U.S. Attorney David Geneson at her sentencing hearing from an interview with Mike Wallace that aired on 60 Minutes.
-- Eric Margolis, The Toronto Sun, Jan. 14, 1999
#97. To: ..., ALL (#88)
But you can't give him any dates here because that would blow your bullshit out of the water. As you recall, this alleged incident took place in April of 2004.
#98. To: BeAChooser (#97)
#99. To: ..., ALL (#89)
"That binary sarin shell that turned up as an IED after the invasion proves you wrong."
Recall that you are quoting NewsMax here. All the repectable publications noted that your single rusty shell was left over from a time before the first Gulf war.
#100. To: BeAChooser (#97)
(Edited)
#101. To: BeAChooser (#99)
And for the record, you are once again wrong. This didn't come from Newsmax. It came from the ISG report.
#102. To: BeAChooser, Red Jones (#99)
And for the record, you are once again wrong. This didn't come from Newsmax. It came from the ISG report.
#103. To: All (#101)
#104. To: ... (#103)
Let me remind everyone that Chooser used his fake link tactic on another thread about an hour ago. He made grandiose claims, got called on it and then posted a dead link to "prove" his point.
#105. To: BeAChooser, ..., ALL (#97)
I suggest folks visit the following thread to see ... and his argument blown out of the water.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saddam_Hussein_and_al-Qaeda
#106. To: nolu_chan, ALL (#92)
While a small number of old, abandoned chemical munitions have been discovered,
In each case, the recovered munitions appear to have been part of the pre-1991 Gulf war stocks,
#107. To: robin, ALL (#104)
#108. To: nolu_chan, ALL (#94)
They were so old and degraded they were about as potent as camel dung or BAC manure.
#109. To: BeAChooser (#106)
The fact that these munitions were part of pre-1991 stocks doesn't make them less potent or deadly.
#110. To: BeAChooser (#108)
The ISG said the binary sarin shell had 4 to 5 liters of 40 percent Sarin.
#111. To: BeAChooser (#108)
#112. To: nolu_chan, ALL (#95)
then tell me about the magic vintage sarin.
#113. To: BeAChooser, Christine (#112)
#114. To: ..., ALL (#100)
You lose the argument on one thread and you come over here and try to restart the argument in exactly the same way.
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