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War, War, War
See other War, War, War Articles

Title: Wham Bam Bananastan
Source: [None]
URL Source: http://original.antiwar.com/huber/2 ... /03/wham-bam-bananastan/print/
Published: Aug 4, 2009
Author: Jeff Huber
Post Date: 2009-08-04 06:07:29 by Ada
Keywords: None
Views: 68
Comments: 2

"If you know neither the enemy nor yourself, you will succumb in every battle." – Sun Tzu

The New York Times reports that those wily guerillas in Afghanistan are throwing a curve ball at us. They’re fighting back, the so-and-sos, and it sounds like they know how to do it. "In Iraq, they hit you and run," says one Marine who served three combat tours in Iraq’s deadly Anbar province. "But these guys stick around and maneuver on you."

"One force will put enough fire down so you have to keep your heads down, then another force will maneuver around to your side to try to kill you," says another Marine. "That’s the same thing we do."

Do you think maybe they do the same thing we do because we were the ones who armed, trained, and funded them to drive out the Soviets? And do you think maybe some of those Afghan guerillas who drove the Soviets out remember how they did it?

We should have known we were up against a savvy enemy when, in June 2005, they set a trap for one of our helicopters and shot it down, killing 16 U.S. troops on board. The helicopter was flying in to rescue a reconnaissance team that was missing in mountainous terrain. The Afghan fighters had seen both the Soviets and us conduct this type of operation many times. There are only so many suitable landing zones in mountains. You don’t need radios or cell phones or even smoke signals to coordinate this type of ambush. All you have to do is put a couple of guys with shoulder-fired surface-to-air missiles at the landing zones and tell them to wait for a helicopter to show up. It’s telling that the brass in charge of our forces didn’t realize the Afghan fighters would be smart enough to work out a tactic that simple.

In early July the Marines mounted an offensive in Afghanistan’s Helmand province and encountered less resistance than they anticipated. It’s clear to the Marines, the Times notes, "that Taliban fighters made a calculated decision: to retreat and regroup to fight where and when they choose." In this regard too, the Taliban display superior intelligence to our senior military and civilian national security leadership.

“In war," Sun Tzu admonished, "the victorious strategist only seeks battle after the victory has been won, whereas he who is destined to defeat first fights and afterward looks for victory.”

Fighting first and groping for victory second is precisely what we did in Iraq. Regardless of what "Choosing Victory: A Plan for Success in Iraq" author Fred Kagan and the rest of the surge strategy architects would have you think, we’ll never realize anything remotely resembling victory or success in Iraq. The Pentagon announced that it pulled our troops out of Iraqi cities by the June 30 deadline, but it lied (the Pentagon has acquired a habit of lying like the Israelis, who lie like other people blink). U.S. patrols are still entering Iraqi cities, and the Iraqis are hopping mad about it, insisting that they be accompanied by Iraqi troops. Be very skeptical of the idea that all of our troops will be out of Iraq by December 2011.

You might think that our leadership learned something from the Iraq example, but it didn’t. Obama went along with the Bananastan surge even though none of the military’s top brass – including Defense Secretary Robert Gates and his Joint Chiefs of Staff – could tell him what they intended to do with the extra troops or describe what they saw as an end state.

National Security Adviser James Jones and his White House war wonks – whom journalist Robert Dreyfuss laughably referred to as "Obama’s chess masters" – cooked up a Bananastan strategy that is nothing shy of hallucinatory. We’ll never realize its primary goals of creating stable governments and effective security forces in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and we can’t disrupt "terrorist networks in Afghanistan and especially Pakistan to degrade any ability they have to plan and launch international terrorist attacks." Modern terrorists don’t need sanctuary in the Bananastans or anywhere else to plan and launch their attacks. All they need is an iPhone. Heck, they can get by with a BlackBerry.

The tiddlywinks champs at Hillary Clinton’s State Department are even more delusional. They want to create a Civilian Response Corps (CRC) to help Gates’ troops fight in the Bananastans. It’s bad enough that the country that spends more on its military than the rest of the world combined has to hire mercenaries like Blackwater to fight its wars. Now, according to warmongery spokesmodel and dumbest freaking guy on the planet Doug Feith, we need to "line up civilians with expertise in water systems, police training, road-building, judicial administration, and other relevant fields and prepare them for deployment abroad." Doug and the rest of the booger-eaters behind the CRC initiative must have forgotten that we already have civilians with expertise in civil affairs lined up for deployment overseas; they’re in the reserves and the National Guard. Sure, it would be nice to send the LAPD overseas to keep the peace in Kabul and Islamabad, but then who would keep the peace in Los Angeles? The Lakers? Heh, they’d probably be deployed as well, giving jump-shot clinics to Afghan schoolgirls.

Mr. Obama is allowing the warmongery to steer him into a course of action that will make America the latest superpower to impale itself on the far side of the Khyber Pass. In 1978 Zbigniew Brzezinski, Jimmy Carter’s national security adviser, manipulated events in a way that turned Afghanistan into the Soviet Union’s Vietnam. "The West should not repeat the mistakes that the Soviets made," he now says. "We are now running the risk of unintentionally duplicating what the Soviets were doing."

Sun Tzu noted, "No nation ever profited from a long war." A headline banner at the Department of Defense Web site reads, "The United States Is a Nation Engaged in What Will Be a Long War."

See you in the next new world order. Let’s have lunch. Maybe China will loan us the price of a couple of Happy Meals.

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#1. To: Ada (#0)

See you in the next new world order. Let’s have lunch. Maybe China will loan us the price of a couple of Happy Meals.

Bloomberg columnist: Obama repeats Soviet missteps in Afghanistan

By CELESTINE BOHLEN
BLOOMBERG COLUMNIST

Here's a scary thought. The U.S. could be walking in the Soviet Union's shoes.

Twenty years to the month after the Soviet Army pulled out of Afghanistan, the U.S. is ramping up troop commitments in a country famously known as "the graveyard of empires."

This is the country that President Barack Obama called the "right battlefield," where we are fighting the real enemy for the correct reasons. We went in there in 2001 to crush al-Qaeda and push the Taliban from power so Afghanistan would never again be used as a staging area for terrorist attacks.

The problem is that we are now in danger of falling short of that limited goal, and even losing the war. Sending more U.S. soldiers is not the answer.

The security situation in Afghanistan has been worsening in the last 12 months. One statistic speaks volumes: civilian casualties rose a staggering 40 percent last year to 2,118, of which 552 were killed by allied or Afghan government air strikes, according to a UN report.

That's just one reason why Obama rushed a decision to send another 17,000 U.S. troops -- on top of the 38,000 U.S. soldiers now on the ground -- ahead of a comprehensive policy review due in April. That is expected to call for even more troops.

Yet history tells us that increasing troop levels to fight an insurgency is not a winning formula. The Soviets learned this after 10 years in Afghanistan; the French learned it in Algeria, and we had our lesson in Vietnam.

The larger the foreign troop presence in wars of counterinsurgency, "the worse the outcome tends to be." That was the sweeping conclusion drawn by a 2008 study by the Rand Corp.

Yes, the one-time infusion of 30,000 U.S. combat troops into Iraq in January 2007 succeeded in improving security in Baghdad and other cities. A key component, known as the Anbar Awakening, was a political effort to reach out to local Sunni leaders who, after three years of violence, were ready to back the U.S. against the insurgents.

"You cannot kill your way out of insurgency," General David H. Petraeus, architect of the surge and now Commander of the U.S. General Command, said in an interview with Time magazine last month. "You're not going to defeat everybody out there. You have to turn them."

In Afghanistan, the war is taking place not in the cities, which are relatively secure, but in the country's southern half, now more or less under Taliban control, where allies are as elusive as the enemy.

This is where the Soviets met their match 20 years ago, and not surprisingly, they have some advice on that score, as painful as it may be to hear.

"Afghanistan taught us an invaluable lesson," ex-Soviet General Boris Gromov said on the anniversary of the Feb. 15, 1989, withdrawal. "It has been and always will be impossible to solve political problems using force."

In Europe last week, U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates offered U.S. allies a choice. For those unwilling to send more troops to Afghanistan, he proposed a contribution on "the stability side," which he defined as governance and development.

Maybe "the stability side" is where the U.S. should be putting more of its money and manpower, rather than spend the extra $7.3 billion the Pentagon has requested for troop reinforcements.

If there is a solution to Afghanistan's failure as a state -- and there may not be one -- it lies in what Gates calls governance and development. That means broadening the political dialogue with moderate members of the Taliban, speeding up the training of the local police and army, weeding out corruption and getting neighbors like Pakistan to join the fight against extremism.

None of this is easy. The Taliban insurgency has spread into Pakistan, where the government, over U.S. objections, recently tried to make a separate peace by giving fundamentalists the right to impose Islamic law in the volatile Swat valley.

The Obama administration has stepped up diplomatic and military efforts to help the Pakistanis contain the Taliban. The promised policy review is sure to also focus on a broad range of economic assistance, including finding alternatives to the poppy crops that help fund the Taliban, and increased development aid.

Still, in announcing the new deployments last week, Obama invoked the need "to stabilize a deteriorating situation." That is one slippery slope.

The Soviets never had more than 100,000 troops in Afghanistan at one time. Depending on the outcome of the administration's policy review, the U.S. may have as many as 68,000 there, along with 32,000 troops provided by NATO allies, putting the total near Soviet levels.

The Soviets' goals were also limited, but their methods were not. One million Afghans and 15,000 Soviet soldiers died during the 10-year occupation, which began as an attempt to prop up a puppet regime.

It's a safe bet that if the Soviets, with their disregard for "collateral damage," couldn't control the country by military force, neither can the U.S. and its NATO allies. In fact, the trend in the past year has been in the other direction, as the Taliban has extended its reach deeper into Pakistan and across wider swathes of Afghanistan.

Unlike the Soviet Union, which collapsed 10 months after the withdrawal from Afghanistan, the U.S. will not meet its end there.

Still, Afghanistan's history of burying big ambitions -- those of Alexander the Great as well as of Leonid Brezhnev -- was clearly on General Petraeus's mind when he spoke at a security conference in Munich this month.

"We cannot take that history lightly," said Petraeus, and he is right.

Disgusted  posted on  2009-08-04   7:04:37 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#2. To: Disgusted (#1)

"Afghanistan taught us an invaluable lesson," ex-Soviet General Boris Gromov said on the anniversary of the Feb. 15, 1989, withdrawal. "It has been and always will be impossible to solve political problems using force."

We learned this lesson in Vietnam.

But we forgot and are determined to repeat our course in Occupation 101.

Guns do not change lack of political appeal, especially for occupation troops.

TooConservative  posted on  2009-08-04   8:21:59 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


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