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Resistance See other Resistance Articles Title: How to Talk to Someone Who Wants to Put You in a Gulag It can be done, despite today's discourse of guillotine references and helicopter memes. A few months ago, I was having a few beers with TAC managing editor Matt Purple, and we ended up pondering the great question of our times: why did people vote for Trump? After tossing around the usual answers (a reaction against Hillarys hawkishness, his carefully curated aura of success, post-industrial blue collar angst), Matt told me about an acquaintance of his whose vote for Trump was pure belligerence. His justification for his vote, as relayed to me by Matt, was something like: Look around you. These people want us gone (us, presumably, being straight, white, conservative, religious people). He knew Trump was a cad and a moron, but he didnt care because Trump would fight for him. He wasnt concerned about losing his privilege; he was concerned about losing his freedom and even his life. Liberals, progressives, and Never Trumpers tend to dismiss these concerns as nothing more than white paranoia in a country undergoing massive shifts in values and demographics. They claim to have proven that racism was the primary motivator for Trump voters. What the Washington Post article that presents those findings breezes over, however, is that, for each of the poll questions, Democrats have moved as far or farther in the direction of wokeness over time as Republicans have in the direction of symbolic racism. The right is becoming more extreme and combative, but its not happening in a vacuum. As Rod Dreher observed just a few days ago, liberalism
does not intend to tolerate [conservative, orthodox Christians] for one more minute than it has to. Anyone who doesnt agree with the progressives increasingly radical beliefs concerning sex, race, and gender belongs on the ash heap of history, and the sooner those backward hicks can be banished there, the better. Conservatives continued existence in the public square is not just an annoyance, but an ongoing act of violence against women, minorities, and the queer community. Advertisement Once this viewpoint, held almost universally among academics, becomes widespread, there is an immediate rush to the fringes. Angela Davis, the radical black activist, once aligned herself with the most murderous dictators the world has ever known, provided criminals with guns so they could murder a judge, and called for, as one commentator approvingly puts it, the total epistemological and ontological undoing of American society. Fanon Jackson, another black activist, put it more plainly: The government of the U.S.A. and all that it stands for, all that it represents, must be destroyed. Both of these quotes come from an academic article I read in one of my graduate seminars. As we discussed these would-be revolutionaries who, if theyd ever gained power, might have rivaled butchers like Stalin and Pol Pot, the entire room full of mostly white, middle-class students nodded along. What choice did they have? To suggest that Davis and Jackson might be a bit too radical would be to affirm their own privilege. Elie Wiesel wrote, Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. And while those words do have their place, in contemporary discourse they often have the effect of pushing people toward radicalism. Once youve accepted that your adversaries are not just wrong but genocidal in their very identities and attitudes, it becomes acceptable to use any means necessary to overthrow them. I recently read a thread of tweets from a user with over 20,000 Twitter followers suggesting that white people are genetically predisposed to violence and oppression, [j]ust like dogs are bred for temperament. The simile is no accident. If a dog is too aggressive, you use training to reprogram it. If that doesnt work, you put it down. When I expressed a traditional Christian view of sexuality (while also denouncing violence against gay people and expressing sympathy for them), another Twitter user told me I was no better than ISIS. We kill ISIS. With drones. The Collapse of Manners When Government Becomes a Political Weapon Give these people their way, and those like me will end up in gulags, re-education camps, and gas chambers. Some intellectuals will attempt to defend these radical calls for violence with a combination of evasion and what-aboutism. The only way to deal with those apologists is to try to get them to admit the mass violence inherent in the beliefs of those they idolize. If they do eventually admit that they want to put you in a gulag, theres no reason to continue the conversation. If they continue to uncritically praise their favorite iteration of Che Guevara while refusing to admit that they want to put you in a gulag, theyre being dishonest, and theres no reason to continue the conversation. Best case scenario, theyll denounce the calls for widespread violence while affirming that the radicals message contains a kernel of truth. Then we can have a conversation. It is, of course, impossible to reason with the true believers, the ones who dont even try to hide their bloodthirstiness. For them, any attempt at disagreement is not just an opposing opinion, but an act of violence, and even dignifying a less-than-radical viewpoint with a response constitutes a betrayal of the revolution. At that point, theres nothing left to say, except When you come for me, Ill fight back. Lefties post about guillotining the bourgeoisie, and right-wingers respond with the helicopter emoji (a reference to Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochets penchant for throwing Marxists out of helicopters), as all middle ground rapidly becomes uninhabitable. And so we retreat to our armed camps, sharpening our rhetorical and literal weapons. Grayson Quay is a freelance writer and M.A. student at Georgetown University. Post Comment Private Reply Ignore Thread
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