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World News
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Title: Key Architect of 2003 Iraq War Is Now a Key Architect of Trump Iran Policy
Source: [None]
URL Source: https://theintercept.com/2020/01/16 ... rmser-iran-suleimani-iraq-war/
Published: Jan 17, 2020
Author: David Wurmser
Post Date: 2020-01-17 07:34:53 by Ada
Keywords: None
Views: 105
Comments: 5

David Wurmser was a longtime advocate of war with Iraq in the Bush administration. Eventually, he got what he wanted, and it was a total disaster. Now, Wurmser again has the ear of a president — this time, Donald Trump — and his sights are set firmly on Iran.

An influential neoconservative in President George W. Bush’s White House who became a significant force behind the push for war with Iraq in 2003, Wurmser has recently been serving as an informal adviser to the Trump administration, according to new reporting from Bloomberg News. In that capacity, Wurmser helped make the case for the recent drone strike that assassinated Iranian Gen. Qassim Suleimani.

David Wurmser again has the ear of a president — this time, Donald Trump — and his sights are set firmly on Iran.

Wurmser wrote several memos to then-national security adviser John Bolton in May and June of 2019. In the documents, according to Bloomberg, Wurmser argued that aggressive action by the U.S. — such as the killing of Suleimani — would, in Wurmser’s words, “rattle the delicate internal balance of forces and the control over them upon which the [Iranian] regime depends for stability and survival.”

The significance of this is two-fold. First, while it was already clear that the neoconservative movement has powerfully influenced the Trump administration, Wurmser’s role on Iran is further evidence of the sway that neoconservatism still holds on the U.S. right — despite the catastrophic invasion of Iraq and Trump’s disavowal of the war. Second, it demonstrates that neoconservatives such as Wurmser still cherish a peculiar theory about Iranian society.

After Bush’s reelection in 2005, the hard-right faction of his administration turned its attention to Iran. These officials had always wanted regime change in the Islamic Republic, but now some of them believed that a full-scale invasion would not be necessary to bring this about. A 2005 article in the New Yorker by Seymour Hersh quoted a government consultant who described the perspective of these officials as being that a bombing campaign against Iran’s nuclear facilities would spur a revolution led by “secular nationalists and reformers.” The consultant summarized their view: “The minute the aura of invincibility which the mullahs enjoy is shattered, and with it the ability to hoodwink the West, the Iranian regime will collapse.”

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Wurmser’s outlook seems not to have changed one bit. In his memos to Bolton, he wrote that the U.S. will not need “boots on the ground” because “Iranians would both be impressed and potentially encouraged by a targeted attack on symbols of repression.”

This theory, so popular among neoconservatives, has always been bizarre: Nations generally become more right-wing when under attack. For instance, after the destruction of the World Trade Center in 2001, Americans did not demand that Bush be impeached and Dennis Kucinich move into the Oval Office.

We should definitely consider the possibility that the neocons don’t know what they’re talking about. And yet, here we are, with those self-same neocons again helping shape our foreign policy in delusional and dangerous ways.

The continued self-confidence of neoconservatives like Wurmser is particularly odd given how all their beliefs were proven disastrously wrong in Iraq.

Wurmser holds a Ph.D. in international affairs and worked for the AIPAC-spinoff Washington Institute for Near East Policy in the mid-1990s. In 1996, he was one of the main thinkers behind a policy document titled “A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm” that was prepared by an Israeli think tank for then-incoming Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government in 1996. The paper called for Israel to engage in preemptive attacks on its perceived foes and a “focus on removing Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq.”

In 1999, Wurmser wrote a book titled “Tyranny’s Ally: America’s Failure to Defeat Saddam Hussein,” which was pretty much what it sounds like. “Chemical, biological, and even nuclear weapons are the pillars of Saddam’s regime,” Wurmser said, adding that “the menace from Saddam’s Iraq will continue to grow” if the U.S. did not remove him from power.

After the invasion of Iraq in 2003, the purported wishes of the neoconservatives collided with reality, and reality won.

After the September 11 attacks, Wurmser was appointed to a two-man intelligence unit by then-Defense Undersecretary Douglas Feith. (Feith is perhaps best known for being referred to as “the fucking stupidest guy on the face of the earth” by Gen. Tommy Franks, who led the invasion of Iraq.) Among Wurmser’s ideas was for the U.S. to respond to Al Qaeda by, as the 9/11 Commission later put it, hitting a “non-Al Qaeda target like Iraq.”

Wurmser then became a senior adviser to Bolton, who at that point was an undersecretary at the State Department and one of the most vociferous champions of a regime change war with Iraq.

Eventually, Wurmser and company got what they wanted, and the U.S. led an invasion of Iraq in March 2003. At that point, the purported wishes of the neoconservatives collided with reality, and reality won. Hundreds of thousands of people died, the lives of millions have been blighted, and the entire region will be in flames for the indefinite future. Targeting IranRead Our Complete CoverageTargeting Iran

In a 2007 interview, however, Wurmser continued to defend the decision to go to war, though he did question the Bush administration’s rhetorical emphasis on democracy in Iraq. “I’m not a big fan of democracy per se,” he said, “I’m a fan of freedom and one has to remember the difference. Freedom must precede democracy by a long, long time.” In the same interview, he stated that if the U.S. failed to “trigger a fundamental change in behavior” by Iran’s leaders that America might “have to think seriously about going directly into Iran.”

In any case, nothing in the past 17 years seems to have made much of an impression on Wurmser; he still maintains a belief in his own skill at precisely calibrated global strategy. Nor has this past calamitous decade and a half prevented him from having the ear of the people who operate America’s killer drones. Notably, the article about Wurmser’s current accomplishments, by neoconservative Bloomberg journalist Eli Lake, does not mention any of Wurmser’s unfortunate history.

Wurmser did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

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#2. To: Ada (#0)

https://www.mintpressnews.com/trump-admits-his-mideast-policy-guided-by-israel- not-american-interests/253170/

AllTheKings'HorsesWontDoIt  posted on  2020-01-17   13:11:58 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


Replies to Comment # 2.

#3. To: AllTheKings'HorsesWontDoIt (#2) (Edited)

www.mintpressnews.com/tru...-policy-guided-by-israel- not-american-interests/253170/

Now that seems like a real impeachable offense That article deserves a print out.

Trump Admits His Mideast Policy Guided by Israeli, not American, Interests Trump has now publicly admitted that – when it comes to U.S. military involvement and covert intervention in the Middle East – he is putting Israel, not America, first.

by Whitney Webb

December 19th, 2018

By Whitney Webb Whitney Webb

33 Comments AddThis Sharing Buttons Share to Facebook FacebookShare to TwitterTwitterShare to RedditRedditShare to EmailEmailShare to More More93K

WASHINGTON — In a recent interview with the Washington Post, U.S. President Donald Trump publicly stated that his administration’s Middle East policy – including the illegal U.S. military occupation of nearly a third of Syria, the administration’s adoption of aggressive Iranian sanctions, and Trump’s response to murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi — is not driven by his country’s interest in oil but instead to benefit the interests of the state of Israel.

Trump made the comment when asked by Post reporter Josh Dawsey about whether or not he supports tougher sanctions against the Saudi government for allegedly being responsible for the death of Khashoggi in early October. Trump responded by stating that he would “listen” to those calling for increased sanctions and then adding that the Middle East is a “dangerous, rough part of the world.” Trump continued, stating that Saudi Arabia has been a “great ally,” adding that “without them, Israel would be in a lot more trouble. We need to have a counterbalance to Iran.”

Trump’s statements here seem to support the claims made in recent reports that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was responsible for Trump’s decision to stand by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) during the fall-out from Khashoggi’s death, which several governments and U.S. intelligence have claimed was planned in advance with MBS’ approval. Netanyahu told the White House that MBS was a “strategic ally” and should be supported regardless of his alleged involvement in the death of the former Post columnist at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul.

However, as Trump continued to discuss the region, he revealed that Israel is not just the

reason for his continued support for the Saudi government despite the fallout from Khashoggi’s death but also the reason why the U.S. continues to be so heavily involved in the region. He stated:

It’s very important to have Saudi Arabia as an ally, if we’re going to stay in that part of the world. Now, are we going to stay in that part of the world? One reason to is Israel. Oil is becoming less and less of a reason because we’re producing more oil now than we’ve ever produced. So, you know, all of a sudden it gets to a point where you don’t have to stay there.”

In this statement, Trump makes the case that the U.S. national interest in Middle Eastern affairs is weakening, as oil – traditionally cited for the U.S.’ long history of intervention throughout the region – is no longer a major factor in guiding his administration’s policy in this geostrategic area of the world. As Trump notes, the U.S. is currently producing a record amount of oil domestically and is likely to continue its rapid increase until production is estimated to peak in 2025.

Israel driving the U.S. bus

Instead, Trump states that the driving reason for the U.S. continuing intervention in the region is the state of Israel. Though Trump’s actions since he came into office have been markedly pro-Israel, this statement is the first public admission that his administration’s Middle East policy – such as the continuing military occupation of Syria, its aggressive stance towards Iran, and preservation of ties with Saudi Arabia at all costs, among others – is guided by the interests not of the United States but a foreign nation. Given that Trump was elected in large part due to his promise to put “America First,” his claim that the U.S.’ entire Middle East policy is guided by the national interests of another country is telling.

Yet, for those that have closely followed the actions of the Trump administration in the Middle East, it has been clear for some time that most, if not all, of the administration’s policies have been carried out with Israel in mind.

For instance, the U.S.’ continued occupation of Syria is of great benefit to Israel, as Israel — which helped plan and execute the now winding-down Syrian conflict — had hoped to use the resulting instability in Syria to push for the country’s partition. Israel’s push for the partition of Syria is aimed at a broader, regional plan that would see Israel expand well beyond that territory in order to more widely exert its influence and become the region’s “superpower.”

This ambition is described in the Yinon Plan, a strategy intended to ensure Israel’s regional superiority in the Middle East that chiefly involves reconfiguring the entire Arab world into smaller and weaker sectarian states. This has manifested in Israel’s support for the partition of Iraq as well as Syria, particularly its support for the establishment of a separatist Kurdish state within these two nations. Currently, the U.S. is occupying the area for this potential future state and supports the Kurdish separatist militia group known as the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF).

Though some reports released on Wednesday have now claimed that the U.S. troops in Syria will soon be withdrawn due to the end of Washington’s bombing campaign against ISIS, the Trump administration shifted its Syria policy away from combating ISIS to containing Iran — a move promoted first by the Israeli government, which has long used alleged “Iranian influence” to justify hundreds of unilateral airstrikes within Syrian territory.

If U.S. troops do leave northeastern Syria, the U.S. military occupation of northeastern Syria may end, but the administration’s policy on containing Iran in Syria through other means would still be operational.

Indeed, NBC News reported in October that the administration was developing a “new” Syria policy that would forgo a U.S. military presence in the country and would instead “emphasize political and diplomatic efforts to force Iran out of Syria by squeezing it financially,” and would “withhold reconstruction aid from areas where Iranian and Russian forces are present” in addition to imposing “sanctions on Russian and Iranian companies working on reconstruction in Syria.”

In addition, the Trump administration’s withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal, officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), and its unilateral reimposition of sanctions on Iran were also carried out with Israel’s interests in mind, given that the move was pushed by both Netanyahu and Trump’s most influential donor, Zionist billionaire Sheldon Adelson, who is also the owner of Israel’s largest newspaper and Netanyahu’s largest financier.

Past reports have shown that Adelson’s influence also pushed Trump to move the U.S. embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and to replace former National Security Adviser H.R. McMaster with John Bolton, a pro-Israel Iran hawk with a well-known penchant for war.

After his recent statements, Trump has now publicly admitted that – when it comes to U.S. military involvement and covert intervention in the Middle East – he is putting Israel, not America, first. This should serve as a stark warning to all Americans, particularly given that just last year a top U.S. commander stated that U.S. troops were “ready to die” to defend Israel for whatever reason, and that the deployment of U.S. troops to Israel would be made not by the American military but by the Israel Defense Forces.

Ada  posted on  2020-01-17 14:22:44 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


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