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World News See other World News Articles Title: Soleimani Geopolitics, One Year On One year ago, the Raging Twenties started with a murder. The assassination of Maj Gen Qassem Soleimani, commander of the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), alongside Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, the deputy commander of Iraqs Hashd al-Shaabi militia, by laser-guided Hellfire missiles launched from two MQ-9 Reaper drones, was an act of war. Not only the drone strike at Baghdad airport, directly ordered by President Trump, was unilateral, unprovoked and illegal: it was engineered as a stark provocation, to detonate an Iranian reaction that would then be countered by American self-defense, packaged as deterrence. Call it a perverse form of double down, reversed false flag. The imperial Mighty Wurlitzer spun it as a targeted killing, a pre-emptive op squashing Soleimanis alleged planning of imminent attacks against US diplomats and troops. False. No evidence whatsoever. And then, Iraqi Prime Minister Adil Abdul-Mahdi, in front of his Parliament, offered the ultimate context: Soleimani was on a diplomatic mission, on a regular flight between Damascus and Baghdad, involved in complex negotiations between Tehran and Riyadh, with the Iraqi Prime Minister as mediator, at the request of President Trump. So the imperial machine in complete mockery of international law assassinated a de facto diplomatic envoy. The three top factions who pushed for Soleimanis assassination were US neo-cons supremely ignorant of Southwest Asias history, culture and politics and the Israeli and Saudi lobbies, who ardently believe their interests are advanced every time Iran is attacked. Trump could not possibly see The Big Picture and its dire ramifications: only what his major Israeli-firster donor Sheldon Adelson dictates, and what Jared of Arabia Kushner whispered in his ear, remote-controlled by his close pal Muhammad bin Salman (MbS). The armor of American prestige The measured Iranian response to Soleimanis assassination was carefully calibrated to not detonate vengeful imperial deterrence: precision missile strikes on the American-controlled Ain al-Assad air base in Iraq. The Pentagon received advance warning. Predictably, the run-up towards the first anniversary of Soleimanis assassination had to degenerate into intimations of US-Iran once again on the brink of war. So its enlightening to examine what the Commander of the IRGC Aerospace Division, Brigadier General Amir-Ali Hajizadeh, told Lebanons Al Manar network: The US and the Zionist regime [Israel] have not brought security to any place and if something happens here (in the region) and a war breaks out, we will make no distinction between the US bases and the countries hosting them. Hajizadeh, expanding on the precision missile strikes a year ago, added, We were prepared for the Americans response and all our missile power was fully on alert. If they had given a response, we would have hit all of their bases from Jordan to Iraq and the Persian Gulf and even their warships in the Indian Ocean. The precision missile strikes on Ain al-Assad, a year ago, represented a middle-rank power, enfeebled by sanctions, and facing a huge economic/financial crisis, responding to an attack by targeting imperial assets that are part of the Empire of Bases. That was a global first unheard of since the end of WWII. It was clearly interpreted across vast swathes of the Global South as fatally piercing the decades-old hegemonic armor of American prestige. So Tehran was not exactly impressed by two nuclear-capable B-52s recently flying over the Persian Gulf; or the US Navy announcing the arrival of the nuclear-powered, missile loaded USS Georgia in the Persian Gulf last week. These deployments were spun as a response to an evidence-free claim that Tehran was behind a 21-rocket attack against the sprawling American embassy in Baghdads Green Zone. The (unexploded) 107mm caliber rockets by the way marked in English, not Farsi can be easily bought in some underground Baghdad souk by virtually anybody, as I have seen for myself in Iraq since the mid-2000s. That certainly does not qualify as a casus belli or self-defense merging with deterrence. The Centcom justification actually sounds like a Monty Python sketch: an attack
almost certainly conducted by an Iranian-backed rogue militia group. Note that almost certainly is code for we have no idea who did it. How to fight the real war on terror Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif did take the trouble (see attached tweet) to warn Trump he was being set up for a fake casus belli and blowback would be inevitable. Thats a case of Iranian diplomacy being perfectly aligned with the IRGC: after all, the whole post-Soleimani strategy comes straight from Ayatollah Khamenei. And that leads to the IRGCs Hajizadeh once again establishing the Iranian red line in terms of the Islamic Republics defense: We will not negotiate about the missile power with anyone pre-empting any move to incorporate missile reduction into a possible Washington return to the JCPOA. Hajizadeh has also emphasized that Tehran has restricted the range of its missiles to 2,000 km. My friend Elijah Magnier, arguably the top war correspondent across Southwest Asia in the past four decades, has neatly detailed the importance of Soleimani. Everyone not only along the Axis of Resistance Tehran, Baghdad, Damascus, Hezbollah but across vast swathes of the Global South is firmly aware of how Soleimani led the fight against ISIS/Daesh in Iraq from 2014 to 2015, and how he was instrumental in retaking Tikrit in 2015. Zeinab Soleimani, the impressive Generals daughter, has profiled the man, and the sentiments he inspired. And Hezbollahs secretary-general Sayed Nasrallah, in an extraordinary interview, stressed Soleimanis great humility, even with the common people, the simple people. Nasrallah tells a story that is essential to place Soleimanis modus operandi in the real not fictional war on terror, and deserves to be quoted in full: Post Comment Private Reply Ignore Thread
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