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National News See other National News Articles Title: Bush’s Martial Law Act of 2007 Bushs Martial Law Act of 2007 Saturday October 28th 2006, 9:44 am On October 17, with little fanfare, the unitary decider signed H.R.5122, or the John Warner Defense Authorization Act of 2007. The act provides $462.8 billion in budget authority for the department. Senate and House conferees added the $70 billion defense supplemental budget request to the act, so overall, the act authorizes $532.8 billion for fiscal 2007, explains Jim Garamone of the American Forces Press Service. According to a press release from the office of Senator Patrick Leahy, however, the bill takes a sizable step toward weakening states authority over their [National] Guard units, according to the congressional leaders who are leading the fight for Guard empowerment. Leahey and senator Kit Bond, a Montana Republican, said the conference agreement is expected to include a provision making it easier for the President to declare martial law, stripping state governors of part of their authority over state National Guard units in domestic emergencies. The provision is opposed by the National Governors Association and by key leaders in both the House and Senate. Frank Morales, an Episcopal priest and activist in New York City, writes that the John Warner Defense Authorization Act of 2007 actually encourages the establishment of martial law by revising the Insurrection Act, a set of laws that limits the Presidents ability to deploy troops within the United States. The Insurrection Act (10 U.S.C.331 -335) has historically, along with the Posse Comitatus Act (18 U.S.C.1385), helped to enforce strict prohibitions on military involvement in domestic law enforcement. With one cloaked swipe of his pen, Bush is seeking to undo those prohibitions. In the wake of Hurricane Katrina, Bush demanded Louisiana Gov. Kathleen Babineaux Blanco yield to him the command over any National Guard troops sent to the area. Bush wanted to invoke the Insurrection Act, which would have allowed him to take control over all armed forces deployed, including Louisianas National Guard troops. But under the terms of the act, he had to get the assent of the legislature or the governor of the state. The legislature was not in session and Blanco refused, writes Deirdre Griswold. As of September 11, 2005, Griswold notes, citing the Los Angeles Times, Bush has not yet invoked the Insurrection Act, but his administration is still discussing how to make it easier for the federal government to override local authorities in the future. Leaning on Blanco was considered politically sensitive. Can you imagine how it would have been perceived if a president of the United States of one party had pre-emptively taken from the female governor of another party the command and control of her forces, unless the security situation made it completely clear that she was unable to effectively execute her command authority and that lawlessness was the inevitable result? an anonymous senior administration official told the New York Times on September 8, 2005. Blanco rejected a more modest proposal for a hybrid command structure in which both the Guard and active-duty troops would be under the command of an active-duty, three-star generalbut only after he had been sworn into the Louisiana National Guard, the New York Times adds. Bushs Martial Law Act of 2007 modifies the Insurrection Act and deals yet another blow to the Posse Comitatus Act. Section 1076 of the massive Authorization Act, which grants the Pentagon another $500-plus-billion for its ill-advised adventures, is entitled, Use of the Armed Forces in Major Public Emergencies, explains Morales. Section 333, Major public emergencies; interference with State and Federal law states that the President may employ the armed forces, including the National Guard in Federal service, to restore public order and enforce the laws of the United States when, as a result of a natural disaster, epidemic, or other serious public health emergency, terrorist attack or incident, or other condition in any State or possession of the United States, the President determines that domestic violence has occurred to such an extent that the constituted authorities of the State or possession are incapable of (refuse or fail in) maintaining public order, in order to suppress, in any State, any insurrection, domestic violence, unlawful combination, or conspiracy. For the current President, enforcement of the laws to restore public order means to commandeer guardsmen from any state, over the objections of local governmental, military and local police entities; ship them off to another state; conscript them in a law enforcement mode; and set them loose against disorderly citizenryprotesters, possibly, or those who object to forced vaccinations and quarantines in the event of a bio-terror event. The law also facilitates militarized police round-ups and detention of protesters, so called illegal aliens, potential terrorists and other undesirables for detention in facilities already contracted for and under construction by Halliburton. Thats right. Under the cover of a trumped-up immigration emergency and the frenzied militarization of the southern border, detention camps are being constructed right under our noses, camps designed for anyone who resists the foreign and domestic agenda of the Bush administration. Back in January, the Army Corps of Engineers awarded Halliburton subsidiary Kellogg Brown & Root a $385 million contract to construct detention centers at undisclosed locations in the United States. As usual, the New York Times either missed over glossed over the significance of this development, characterizing it instead as a waste of taxpayer money. Peter Dale Scott, however, hit the nail right on the head. For those who follow covert government operations abroad and at home, the contract evoked ominous memories of Oliver Norths controversial Rex-84 readiness exercise in 1984. This called for the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) to round up and detain 400,000 imaginary refugees, in the context of uncontrolled population movements over the Mexican border into the United States. Norths activities raised civil liberties concerns in both Congress and the Justice Department. The concerns persist. As Scott notes, plans for detention camps are nothing new, and indeed have a long history, going back to fears in the 1970s of a national uprising by black militants. As Alonzo Chardy reported in the Miami Herald on July 5, 1987, an executive order for continuity of government (COG) had been drafted in 1982 by FEMA head Louis Giuffrida. The order called for suspension of the Constitution and declaration of martial law. The martial law portions of the plan were outlined in a memo by Giuffridas deputy, John Brinkerhoff. Brinkerhoff told PBS: The United States itself is now for the first time since the War of 1812 a theater of war. That means that we should apply, in my view, the same kind of command structure in the United States that we apply in other theaters of war. Giuffrida was the Reagan administrations first director of the Federal Emergency Management Agency from 1981 to 1985 and was the head of then-Governor Reagans California Specialized Training Institute, a National Guard school. In 1970 he had written a paper for the Army War College in which he called for martial law in case of a national uprising by black militants. Among his ideas were assembly centers or relocation camps for at least 21 million American Negroes, writes Sam Smith. During 1968 and 1972, Reagan ran a series of war games in California called Cable Splicer, which involved the Guard, state and local police, and the US Sixth Army. Details of this operation were reported in 1975 in a story by Ron Ridenour of the New Times, an Arizona alternative paper, and later exhumed by Dave Lindorff in the Village Voice
. Cable Splicer, it turned out, was a training exercise for martial law. The man in charge was none other than Edwin Meese, then Reagans executive secretary. At one point, Meese told the Cable Splicer combatants: This is an operation, this is an exercise, this is an objective which is going forward because in the long run
it is the only way that will be able to prevail [against anti-war protests.] In response to Richard Nixons October 30, 1969, issuance of Executive Order 11490, Assigning Emergency Preparedness Functions to Federal Departments and Agencies, which consolidated some 21 operative Executive Orders and two Defense Mobilization Orders issued between 1951 and 1966 on a variety of emergency preparedness matters, Howard J. Ruff noted: The only thing standing between us and a dictatorship is the good character of the President and the lack of a crisis severe enough that the public would stand still for it (see Diana Reynolds, Civil Security Planning). Not only is Bushs lack of good character obvious, he also considers himself our unitary decider with the power to ignore over 750 laws. Among the laws Bush said he can ignore are military rules and regulations, affirmative-action provisions, requirements that Congress be told about immigration services problems, whistle-blower protections for nuclear regulatory officials, and safeguards against political interference in federally funded research, the Boston Globe reported in April. From the inception of the Republic until 2000, Presidents produced signing statements containing fewer than 600 challenges to the bills they signed. According to the most recent update, in his one-and-a-half terms so far, President George W. Bush (Bush II) has produced more than 800, explains the American Bar Association Task Force on Presidential Signing Statements and the Separation of Powers Doctrine. It has become clear in recent months that a critical mass of the American people have seen through the lies of the Bush administration; with the presidents polls at an historic low, growing resistance to the war Iraq, and the Democrats likely to take back the Congress in mid-term elections, the Bush administration is on the ropes, concludes Morales. And so it is particularly worrying that President Bush has seen fit, at this juncture to, in effect, declare himself dictator
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#5. To: Kamala (#0)
Have the American people forgotten that there are three EQUAL branches of this government? Bush or any other madman running around the Whitehouse CAN still be restrained and or removed from power, instead we have over 500 congressmen that seem to be part and parcel of this ongoing madness. Are the Congress people active participants, dupes or totally clueless. Rubberstamping by Congress leaves something unknown.
Bush or any other madman running around the Whitehouse CAN still be restrained and or removed from power, instead we have over 500 congressmen that seem to be part and parcel of this ongoing madness. Are the Congress people active participants, dupes or totally clueless. Rubberstamping by Congress leaves something unknown. cyni! i know! i can't believe what i'm seeing here !!
What you are seeing is the final culmination of all the plans that people like Stadtmiller and Chuck Harder and William Cooper and the JBS warned us about on shortwave radio for the past 15 years or more. It's all happened. And nobody protested or fought back. This is our last chance before the window of opportunity closes forever.
Some of us did, IndieTX but the problem was/is that people get up to speed at different moments in time. I remember cheering for the Buchanan fence and working for Ross Perot against NAFTA in the mid 90s. I was then posting on an obscure forum called Prodigy. Not only was I posting, but I also did my best to organize people on a congressional district level. Then, briefly, in '94 I thought we finally had a handle on this mess with the R-sweep. By early '96 I knew I was wrong. From there I traveled onto the FR in hopes that the 'net might be the vehicle for organization. In '00 RimJob proved me wrong once again. So, here we sit as you say, watching the finalization of the scheme to join North America before placing it neatly into their NWO.
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