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Immigration See other Immigration Articles Title: What If All the Children in My Class Are White? What If All the Children in My Class Are White? Historical and Research Background By Louise Derman-Sparks and Patricia G. Ramsey Increased awareness of racism as a systemic, institutionalized force that advantages people defined as white and disadvantages people defined as not white opens up new avenues for defining the role of anti-bias/multicultural education for white children and adults. We now understand that it is not enough for white people to “accept” and “respect” people of color. Rather, white people need to undergo a profound shift, from viewing the world through a lens of dominance to a commitment to equitably shared power and resources. This key paradigm shift calls on educators and families to nurture white children’s early identity and social-emotional development in new ways. Anti-bias/multicultural education needs to incorporate a systemic perspective and create strategies that are culturally relevant to the various contexts in which white children grow. As two white women, we continuously work to come to terms with our roles as anti-bias, antiracist, multicultural educators in a white-dominated society. We believe that, while it is not possible to undo history, it is possible to learn from it and to create a new future. As Robert Terry wrote, “The new white committed to justice and working to rid this nation of its racism can be a major force for social justice. The time is right. It is up to us to seize that time to turn our legacy of old white privilege into new white possibility” (1970, 97). This article provides historical and research background for our November 2005 Young Children article, “What If All the Children in My Class Are White? Anti-Bias/Multicultural Education with White Children.” Here we first discuss the concept of whiteness and how it has influenced our society. Then we provide a brief summary of research on young children’s awareness and attitudes related to race, building a developmental framework for meaningful curricula. Finally, we recommend additional resources for educators who want to further explore these issues (see “Additional Resources about Racism,” p. 5). What does whiteness mean and how does it affect our society? Before exploring the question of “how” to work with white children and families, we need to clarify the term whiteness. Race is a socially constructed idea in economic, political, and historic power relationships that rests on scientifically false assumptions of genetically determined physical and mental characteristics. Under this construct, racism is an institutionalized system of power that determines which racial groups are advantaged or disadvantaged economically, politically, and culturally. It is maintained both through institutional policies, structures, ideology, and behaviors and through individual bigotry, prejudice, and discrimination. Throughout history and in many parts of the world, groups of people have found racial reasons to dominate and decimate other groups. The European exploitation, colonization, and subjugation of people in the Americas, Asia, Africa, and Australia, which began in the 1500s, was fueled by the ideals and institutions of white racial superiority and dominance. This ideology casts whiteness in a positive light and “others” in negative terms (Feagin 2000). The effects of the European conquest of Native peoples in North America, the enslavement and shipping of Africans, and the racial bias in immigration policies still can be felt. Whiteness continues to hold great power over our lives (Kivel 2002). This picture gets more complicated by ethnic and cultural factors. Against the background of the privileges of whiteness is an array of significant variations in the historical, power, and economic relationships among the different white ethnic groups in the United States. One of the great ironies in U.S. history is the cost of becoming white. To gain the privileges of racism, many non-English-speaking European ethnic groups gave up their languages and ethnic traditions by “melting” into the dominant Anglo culture and absorbing the prevalent racist beliefs (Gossett 1963; Ignatiev 1995; Brodkin 1998). Despite the fact that European Americans as a whole fared better than people of color, ethnic differences deeply influenced variations in social-economic class among whites in the growing United States. For example, aristocrats and other upper-class settlers who came from England in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries became the most privileged groups, such as Boston Brahmins, New York merchants, and Southern plantation owners, and dominated the early cultural and political history of the United States (and still hold sway in many institutions today). In contrast, poor Irish, Scottish, and English families, many of whom arrived at the same time as their wealthier neighbors, frequently came as prisoners or indentured servants. They often settled in isolated communities in the Appalachian Mountains, and many of their descendants became, and in some cases still are, targets of ridicule (sometimes called “hillbillies” or “rednecks”) and discrimination. Although the rate of poverty is higher in communities of color, the majority of poor people in the United States are white. Moreover, although a myth persists that people needing/using welfare are people of color, the number of white families receiving welfare actually exceeds the number of families of color who receive such assistance. A legacy of systemic racial advantage for whites and disadvantage for people of color to this day profoundly influences social relationships and life prospects of all Americans as well as people in most parts of the world. Some white people today see this historical context as distant and far-fetched. On a personal level, most of us struggle with our day-to-day lives and do not feel that we are dominating anyone. But the reality is, in the United States and in many parts of the world, whites continue to live with unearned racial privilege (Barndt 1991; McIntosh 1995; Van Ausdale & Feagin 2001) and other racial groups live under racial penalty (Howard 1999). These economic disparities generate and are supported by a culture of internalized white racial superiority (Tatum 1992; Derman-Sparks & Phillips 1997; Kivel 2002). Members of the dominant group readily assume that their ascendancy is a sign of their innate superiority and/or a product of their hard work. Many deny or ignore the systemic inequities of racial discrimination that provide them with advantages in their individual life prospects and choices from birth. An assumption of superiority justifies the continued economic exploitation of people of color, and the cycle of inequity continues. Opposing themes and dynamics also have set many reforms in motion. From early on in the United States, the promise of democracy and of “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” has spurred movements to extend human and civil rights (women, people of color, the economically disadvantaged, people with disabilities, and gays and lesbians). The history of white involvement in antiracism predates the Civil War (Aptheker 1993), but that rarely makes its way into mainstream history texts. White children’s identity and attitudinal development To effectively counteract the pull and absorption of white privilege beliefs and behaviors, early childhood teachers need to understand how young white children develop racial identity, awareness, and attitudes. We know that very young children notice racial distinctions, absorb racially related images and assumptions, and begin to learn and express racist ideologies (Aboud 1988; Ramsey 1995; Van Ausdale & Feagin 2001; Ramsey & Williams 2003). They are also constructing their own ideas about the power relationships of racism, not only from what they are directly learning but also from what they perceive in a highly “racialized” society (Van Ausdale & Feagin 2001). By the preschool years, white children begin to learn the power codes or rules of racism (that is, “white ways are right”), internalizing racial superiority (Ramsey 1987, 1991; Ramsey & Myers 1990; Tatum 1997; Van Ausdale & Feagin 2001). Paradoxically, from childhood, racism also negatively impacts whites. Beliefs of white superiority adversely affect white children’s social and emotional development and impair their ability to function effectively in a diverse world. Moreover, when the significant adults in their lives mask feelings of prejudice, children often absorb do-as-I-say-not-as–I-do double messages about people of color (Clark 1955). For example, even if the curriculum espouses explicit messages of respect and equality, when teachers and administrators are white and support and maintenance staff are people of color, children learn about racial hierarchies. Research on children’s racial awareness and attitudes contains many gaps and contradictions. However, a few themes consistently emerge. First, children are not color blind. Researchers have observed that infants as young as six months old react consistently to racial differences (Katz & Kofkin 1997; Katz 2003). Second, young children do pay attention to messages of prejudice and power differences. Infants are often wary of people who look different from their familiar caregivers. As they grow older, this fear can be fueled by racial isolation and negative images of unfamiliar groups. Preschoolers begin using racial terms and beliefs to exclude and demean classmates of color (for example, a white child refuses to let another child hold a white doll and says, “I don’t want an African taking care of her. I want an American. You’re not an American, anybody can see that”) (Van Ausdale & Feagin 2001, 86). Interestingly, some white preschoolers express stereotypes but still play comfortably with cross-race classmates, especially if they are in an environment in which teachers and family members support and model interracial friendships (Ramsey 2004). As primary school-age children develop the ability to be aware of others’ perspectives, they potentially become more accepting of differences and able to see members of other groups as individuals (Aboud 1988). However, this growing cognitive capacity does not automatically result in more open attitudes and behaviors. A child’s environment (family, community, media, and peers) plays a critical role—positively or negatively. To strengthen their identities, some adolescents tend to form more own-race ties, using stereotypes and excluding other groups to consolidate and prove their group loyalties (Tatum 1997). And yet other adolescents experience strong feelings about justice and participate in actions for social change. Research over the past several decades has shown that across all ages and in many settings, white children are more at risk than children of color for developing cross-race biases and aversions (see, for example, Fox & Jordan 1973; Rosenfield & Stephen 1981; Stabler, Zeig, & Johnson 1982; Newman, Liss, & Sherman 1983; Ramsey & Myers 1990; Van Ausdale & Feagin 2001). This shouldn’t come as a surprise, since white children’s in-group preferences are generally supported by prevailing social attitudes and images. In short, white children, even in racially isolated areas (Ramsey 1991), are aware of race and, without guidance and modeling, often develop stereotypes that influence their feelings about and potentially their behaviors toward people of color. While these accumulated research findings may be upsetting, they also provide early childhood educators with a starting place for change. We invite you to join with us in the much-needed conversation about how to “grow” white children who will strive for a just society and thrive in an anti-racist, multicultural world.
Poster Comment: Another beaut from the bowels of academia.
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#2. To: Jethro Tull (#0)
No kidding? One has to wonder if just possibly the filthy whiteys outnumber the blacks 12 to 1???????? Note they do not print percentage??????
Now, now, Cyni..........you only use per centages if it appears to SUPPORT your position. Sort of like them congresscowards who give themselves annual raises of only 2 - 3%. Well, 2 - 3% of $20,000 a year is a mere $400 - $600 and that is the impression left in the minds of the peasants. But consider that mere 2 - 3% of the congresscowards annual salary of $160,000 something plus.....you're talking $3,200 - $4,800!! But you'll never hear the congresscowards telling the peasants what their per centage increase is in sheer dollars! Who was it who used to say, 'wouldn't be prudent'? 'Nuf said. LOL.
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